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Super Falcons crash out of WAFCON after Cameroon defeat

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NIGERIA’S Super Falcons have been eliminated from the 2026 Women’s Africa Cup of Nations after losing 1-0 to Cameroon in the quarter final on Sunday in Morocco.

The defeat also ended Nigeria’s hopes of securing an automatic place at the 2027 FIFA Women’s World Cup in Brazil through a semi-final finish at the continental tournament.

Cameroon took the lead in the 19th minute and held on despite sustained pressure from the Super Falcons, who dominated large periods of the game but failed to find an equaliser.

Nigeria responded by pushing forward, with Jennifer Echegini coming close in the 28th minute, only for the Cameroonian goalkeeper to punch her goal-bound effort away.

Uchenna Kanu replaced Rinsola Babajide in the 37th minute as Nigeria continued searching for a way back into the game.

The Super Falcons intensified their pressure after the break, but Cameroon remained resolute in defence.

Nigeria came close again in the 70th minute, but the Cameroonian goalkeeper produced another save from close range to preserve her side’s lead.

Despite dominating possession and creating pressure in the closing stages, Nigeria could not break through as Cameroon secured a place in the semi-finals.

The result is a major setback for the defending champions, who had been seeking to retain their continental title and secure automatic qualification for the 2027 Women’s World Cup.

Nigeria will now have to rely on the play-off route for a chance to qualify for the World Cup.

This is because only the four teams that reach the semi-finals of the African championship will secure direct qualification for the World Cup.

The winner of that play-off route will have the opportunity to progress to the inter-confederation play-offs for another chance to secure a place at the 2027 Women’s World Cup.

Therefore, while the Super Falcons’ World Cup hopes remain alive, they now face a more difficult route to Brazil, where the 2027 FIFA Women’s World Cup is taking place.

INEC extends candidate submission deadline to August 11

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THE Independent National Electoral Commission has extended the deadline for political parties to upload the names of their candidates for the governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections.

The deadline, which was initially set for Saturday, August 8, 2026, has now been moved to Tuesday, August 11.

INEC announced the extension in a statement on Sunday by the Chairman of its Information and Voter Education Committee, Mohammed Haruna.

The commission said the decision followed appeals from political parties for more time to complete the submission process.

“The submission window, which, according to the revised timetable and schedule of activities for the general election, was originally scheduled to close on Saturday, 8th August, 2026, has been extended to Tuesday, 11th August, 2026.”

“The extension follows growing appeals by political parties for additional time to complete the process,” the statement reads.

Meanwhile, INEC has suspended the collection of Permanent Voter Cards in Osun State ahead of the August 15 governorship election.

Haruna said voters who applied for replacement of lost, damaged or defaced PVCs have until midnight on Sunday, August 9, to print downloadable copies of their cards.

“This is to allow the commission to compile the data of downloaded PVCs for final statistics of total PVCs collected ahead of the August 15th Osun governorship election,” the statement added.

The commission also announced that replacement downloadable PVCs had been made available to voters in Odo-Otin and Ife Central Local Government Areas following the theft of cards during an invasion of two collection centres.

“The commission also wishes to state that replacement downloadable PVCs have been made available to voters in Odo-Otin and Ife central local government areas whose cards were carted away by hoodlums who invaded the two centres. The commission reiterates that the stolen cards cannot be used to vote,” INEC said.

INEC said PVC collection in Osun commenced at the Registration Area level on July 22 and was initially scheduled to end on July 28.

The exercise was later extended to July 31 following complaints about large crowds and difficulties at collection centres. Collection subsequently moved to the local government level and ran from August 1 to 7.

The commission reiterated its commitment to conducting a free, fair, credible and inclusive governorship election in Osun State.

Iran sets conditions for reopening Strait of Hormuz

IRAN has set several conditions for reopening the Strait of Hormuz, including compensation for war damages, an end to sanctions and the release of frozen Iranian assets, further complicating efforts to restore traffic through the strategic waterway.

According to AFP, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said discussions with Oman on the transit and management of the Strait were approaching their final stages, but warned that reopening the waterway would depend on additional conditions and compensation for alleged violations of a June agreement.

Iran’s security chief, Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr, said the conditions also included an end to what Tehran described as the war and aggression against Iran and its allies in Lebanon, Palestine, Yemen and Iraq, as well as the lifting of a US naval blockade.

He also demanded the lifting of a parallel US naval blockade of Iran, the end of sanctions, the release of frozen assets and compensation for wartime damage, according to remarks reported by Tasnim news agency.

Iran has effectively restricted passage through the Strait of Hormuz since the United States and Israel launched strikes against Iran in late February. Tehran has also demanded tolls for vessels using the waterway and attacked ships it accused of attempting to bypass its preferred route.

The restrictions have significantly reduced maritime traffic through the strait, a crucial route for global energy supplies.

The latest developments came after further attacks on vessels in the waterway. The United Arab Emirates condemned what it described as an Iranian missile attack on an ADNOC tanker transiting the Strait, while the United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations later reported that a vessel was struck by a projectile off Oman, causing a fire. No casualties were reported.

ADNOC said on Friday that 15 of its vessels had been attacked in the Strait of Hormuz since the start of the war, including three during the week.

Oman also condemned repeated attacks on vessels using the waterway but said negotiations on navigation arrangements continued in a positive and constructive atmosphere.

The previous Iran-US agreement provided for Iran and Oman to negotiate future arrangements for the Strait with other Gulf countries in accordance with applicable international law. AFP noted that international law generally prohibits the imposition of tolls on such waterways.

Dressing, addressing, and redressing Nigeria’s Lawyers and Judges

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By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

THE division between the two professions was well recognised by the end of the 16th century and by the end of the 17th was quite firm….While the solicitor spends much of his time trying to keep his clients out of court, there inevitably comes a time when he needs the services of what the Americans call ‘the trial lawyer’. In England, this is the barrister….”

Richard du Cann, The Art of the Advocate, 32 (Revised Edition, 1993)

On 20 June 2011, Willy Mutunga assumed office as the first Chief Justice of Kenya under the 2010 Constitution. A former president of the Law Society of Kenya, Mutunga possessed a doctorate degree in law and had worked as a law teacher. He had also lived in internal banishment, and was a former political detainee and exile. He came to the position from a role in philanthropy as the regional representative of the Ford Foundation in East Africa and was a principal facilitator of the new constitution.

Chief Justice Mutunga’s unusual resume gave him a grounded view of law and its institutions in post-colonial society. It also equipped him to try something both necessary and ambitious. Kenya’s institutions of the law had been discredited under the old system. They desperately needed to be re-fashioned. Chief Justice Mutunga’s arrival in this role seemed timely.

One of his first tasks was to lead the transformation of the institutions of the law and the judiciary in Kenya. The process was consultative, involving magistrates, judges, judicial workers, the public, political leaders, the media, communities, citizens, and consumers.

Nearly one year into his tenure, on May 31, 2012, Chief Justice Mutunga launched a four-year Judiciary Transformation Framework. It outlined a set of ideas designed to imbue the institutions of the law and judiciary in the country with the ethos of the new constitution.

The Transformation Framework presented a stark diagnosis of an antediluvian system, out of touch with its people and impervious to change. In a passage that could be adapted with ease to Nigeria’s institutions of law and the judiciary, Kenya’s Transformation Framework addressed itself to institutions with a “founding history of dominance, power, prestige and re­moteness, as opposed to service and equality. Further, its architecture, rules, dress code and other rituals have uprooted it from social reality.”

The result, the document said, was a legal system perceived by the public as both “alien and insensitive.”

One major aspect of this problem was the “dress and address” of the legal and judicial institutions. Many an aspiring career in post-colonial law is drawn to it by the attractions of the dressing of lawyers and judges, as well as the manner in which they are addressed.

The original rationales for these were revelatory. It turns out that among the most compelling of the rationales, there is “a theatrical aspect [that] seeks to impress on laymen”, gives members of the profession “a useful anonymity and conformity”, and seeks to disguise members of the profession “to protect them from revenge-seeking defendants.”

In the end, Kenya’s judges voted “to discard the wigs because in their words they are ‘torturous’, ‘colonial relics’, ‘cumbersome’, ‘lack uniformity’, ‘uncom­fortable’, and ‘antique.’” They also voted to re-design the judicial robe and to dispense with “My Lord.” They are now addressed as “Your Honor.” In Kiswahili, that translates into “Mheshimiwa.”

Surprisingly, Kenya’s courts and legal vocation have not collapsed. Instead, they seem to have made progress.

Kenya is not the only country where this has occurred. In 2011, the Bar in Punjab and Haryana in India dispensed with addressing the bench as “My Lord” or “Your Lordship”, calling such appellations “relics of the colonial past”.

In June 2022, the Chief Justice of the High Court of Orissa in India, Srinivasan Muralidhar, issued a written notice requiring advocates and court users to “try and avoid addressing the judges of this bench as ‘My Lord’, ‘Your Lordship’, ‘Your Honour’ or with the prefix ‘Hon’ble. Any form of address consistent with the decorum of the court, including ‘Sir’, should suffice.”

The Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) triggered a muted debate on these matters of dress and address in the vocations of the law and the judiciary when she directed the Chief Registrar of the Supreme Court to issue a circular on 13 July 2026 under the title “Prohibition of the Use of the Title ‘Barrister’ as a Prefix to Names.”

In a country in which sundry crooners and Karaoke wannabes of diverse genres self-identify as “Barrister”, the heading of the Chief Registrar’s circular initially seemed ostentatious. It suggested a magical capacity to – in one swoop – end Nigeria’s fixation with grand prefixes and bland suffixes.

The circular made it clear that it was directed at “official correspondence, records, documents, identity materials, and any other official engagements.” This begs the question what an official engagement could be. Does it extend to political rallies, cabinet meetings, or convocation grounds?

The reason given by the CJN is that the use of “Barrister” as prefix “is inappropriate and inconsistent with the standards of professionalism expected within the Supreme Court.” The safeguarding of standards in the legal profession is indeed an elevated goal but there are at least three substantial objections to the circular.

First, it suffers from a crisis of the wrong priorities. It is evidently piddling to fixate on paraphernalia and prefixes in a country whose legal and judicial vocations suffer terminal tarnish from many more serious ailments.

Second, the circular wore an appearance of regimental diktat. The CJN missed an opportunity to undertake an inclusive and consultative process aimed at transforming the pointless antiquarianisms that define Nigeria’s legal and judicial process.

Third, there was a touch of “physician heal thyself” about it. A judiciary in which even female judges bristle implacably at not being called “My Lord” could have been a suitable point of departure for the Chief Justice’s re-brand.

The prefix that vexes the CJN is itself part of the colonial baggage that she presides over. The legal profession in England, from where Nigeria borrowed its vocational strait-jackets, has been divided between barristers and solicitors for five centuries.

Christopher Sapara Williams first enrolled at the Inns of Court in England in 1879. In 1888, he became the first barrister and solicitor of the Supreme Court of Nigeria. That was 18 years after the foundation of the Law Society of England and Wales and six before the Bar Council.

In those days, lawyers were rare; transactions were few, and the role of the lawyer was defined by advocacy before the white man’s court. They became lawyers in Nigeria because they were members of the Bar in England. The appellation “Barrister” easily caught on and held.

In many parts of Nigeria, various neighbourhoods still have different appellations for their local professionals. From “Dokkie” for the medical doctor to “Deelaw” for the lawyer. Lawyer and elite footballer, Adokiye Amiesimaka, was called famously designated “Chief Justice” by commentator, Ernest Okonkwo, and it stuck. The CJN cannot possibly presume to abolish those.

In reality, “Barrister” only partly describes what a lawyer is or can do. In that sense, it is somewhat of a mis-representation. As such, it is also not a fitting professional title or courtesy. But that is relatively minor beside the issues that ail Nigeria’s legal profession.

As Richard du Cann writes, “the word ‘advocate’ is applied to both barristers and solicitors in all courts and tribunals other than the Crown Court and the High Court.” In many parts of East and Southern Africa, lawyers are called “Advocate”. In South Africa where the vocation of the law is divided as in England, “Advocate” only refers to those enrolled as barristers.

How we dress and address legal and judicial vocations in Nigeria is important. But even more important is whether we care to redress the lost mission and ethos of those institutions. Nigeria’s Chief Justice may have missed an opportunity with her piddling circular, but it is not too late for her to retrieve a sense of direction.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu

Lionel Messi’s father, Jorge, dies at 68 after prolonged illness

Jorge Messi, the father and longtime representative of football superstar Lionel Messi, has died at the age of 68 in Rosario, Argentina, after a prolonged illness.

Messi’s family confirmed to Reuters on Saturday that Jorge died Friday night at a medical clinic in Rosario, where he had been receiving treatment.

According to the family, Jorge spent his final months moving between a medical centre in Rosario and his home, where he was accompanied by his wife, Celia, and their children, Rodrigo, Matías and María Sol.

Lionel Messi, who spent time with his father following the 2026 FIFA World Cup, had returned to the United States and resumed action for Inter Miami about a week before Jorge’s death.

The precise nature of his father’s illness has not been publicly disclosed by the family.

Concern over Jorge’s health became public during the 2026 World Cup after Lionel Messi was visibly emotional during Argentina’s opening match against Algeria.

Messi scored a hat-trick in the match but broke down in tears while celebrating his first goal.

The emotional moment immediately attracted attention, prompting questions about whether something outside football was affecting the Argentina captain.

Messi later explained that his tears were unrelated to the match and came after he had experienced “a few difficult, complicated days.”

Days later, the Messi family issued a statement confirming that Jorge was undergoing medical treatment and appealed for respect and restraint over reports concerning his condition.

The family did not disclose his diagnosis.

Jorge’s health subsequently became the subject of speculation and false reports on social media, including claims about his death while he was still receiving treatment. The family pushed back against the rumours and maintained its request for privacy.

His death on Friday is the first confirmation from the family that Jorge had died.

Beyond being Lionel Messi’s father, Jorge was one of the most influential people behind the footballer’s extraordinary career.

He was his son’s longtime representative from his childhood in Rosario from a talented child with a medical challenge and accompanied him when the young footballer moved to Spain to pursue his dream at Barcelona to his emergence as Argentina’s captain and World Cup winner.

The younger Messi was born in Rosario in 1987 and began playing football as a child before joining Newell’s Old Boys.

At 13, he moved to Spain with his family after Barcelona agreed to take him into its famed La Masia academy, before making his senior-team debut, where he won multiple LaLiga titles, UEFA Champions League trophies, and established himself as one of the greatest players in football history.

His family faced the enormous challenge of relocating to another country so that their son could pursue his football career, while he was also undergoing treatment for a growth hormone deficiency.

Messi eventually made his first-team debut for Barcelona in 2004 and went on to become the club’s all-time leading scorer and one of its most decorated players.

His career included an unprecedented run of success at Barcelona, where he won multiple titles and established himself as one of the defining players of his generation.

He later moved to Paris Saint-Germain before joining Inter Miami in Major League Soccer.

With Argentina, Messi eventually reached the pinnacle of international football by leading the country to victory at the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar.

Throughout that journey, Jorge remained closely involved in negotiations, contracts and other professional decisions surrounding his son’s career.

The relationship between father and son was also frequently visible during major football moments, with Jorge often seen supporting his son from the stands and celebrating his feats.

Kwara abduction: Survivors say 13 dead, 12 children still held by terrorists

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AT least thirteen people died in captivity while twelve children remained with terrorists after 176 women and children abducted from Woro and Nuku communities in Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State were rescued following nearly six months in the forest.

The Kwara State Government disclosed this on Friday while formally receiving the survivors, who were freed on Wednesday after spending months in captivity following the February 3 attack.

The government said 14 rescued victims, including three women who gave birth while in captivity, were receiving treatment at a general hospital in Ilorin as of Friday.

Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq commiserated with the families of those who died in captivity and thanked President Bola Tinubu and the military hierarchy for their roles in the rescue operation. The governor also visited the hospital where the rescued victims were receiving treatment.

The survivors who spoke with journalists, described months of severe hunger, exposure to heavy rainfall and inadequate shelter, while several pregnant women were forced to give birth without proper medical care in captivity.

One of the rescued victims, Amirah Salihu, a nurse and daughter of the chief of Woro, Umar Salihu, in an interview with journalist, said she helped 10 pregnant women deliver their babies with her bare hands because there were no gloves or medical equipment available.

“They asked of nurse, ‘Is there any nurse with us?’ …I just used to help pregnant women do delivery. I helped like 10 women for the delivery, without gloves. I used my hands to help them,” she recalled.

Salihu said the captives survived on poorly prepared food, sometimes consisting only of guinea corn, salt and seasoning.

“The kind of food that they were giving us was bad. The day that we got there, they just dropped guinea corn for us with salt and Maggi. Every day after, they gave us one bag of corn without oil, pepper, nothing. There was a day that they didn’t even give us Maggi again, just salt.

She also described the appalling conditions under which the captives slept, saying they were sometimes forced to stay close to or inside a river despite heavy rainfall.

“And they kept us inside river. The place that we sleep is inside river. And rain always used to fall, sometimes. If we set fire, they asked us to put off the fire,” she said.

Salihu said that her father had resisted the terrorists’ attempts to enter the community and arranged for soldiers to protect the village, but the attackers returned after the soldiers had left.

“They just came to our house that day, suddenly, and people came to our house. They even killed my brothers. My senior brother and my junior brother. They said it’s because of my dad did not allow them to come to our village. They always said that they were working for Allah; that they wanted us to work with what Allah said. That’s the reason they entered our village, killed everybody,” Salihu said.

She, however, said there was no case of rape or sexual assault while their ordeal lasted.

Another survivor, Nafisat Abdulfatai, said 13 captives died during the period, while 12 children were left behind after the terrorists threatened that anyone who attempted to escape would be enslaved.

“Thirteen people died among us during our time in captivity. Twelve children are still with the terrorists. They were not released with us because the abductors had threatened that those who tried to leave would become slaves,” Abdulfatai said.

She said two of the children were specifically forced to remain because the terrorists considered them old enough.

“Those children were compelled to remain. We pray that God will also bring them back safely,” she added.

She added that they were initially forced to sleep in the open forest before the terrorists erected a makeshift shelter after several children died, noting that the shelter, made with trampoline material, was grossly inadequate for the number of people being held.

“We slept under that temporary structure like animals. Whenever it rained, some people had to sleep on top of others because there was no space. When there was no rain, we preferred to sleep under the trees beside the river. That was where we slept, woke up every morning and spent our days,” she explained.

According to Abdulfatai, between six and seven women lost their babies, while others were able to return with their newborns. She said the experience also left several survivors seriously ill.

The ICIR reported that heavily armed terrorists, operating in large numbers and riding motorcycles, invaded the communities, carried out a prolonged attack that killed residents. They set homes, shops and the traditional ruler’s palace ablaze before whisking women and children into the forest.

The attack on Woro drew national attention after residents alleged that the terrorists operated in the community for nearly 10 hours before security operatives arrived.

The village head, Umar Salihu, said the attackers invaded the community at about 5 p.m. and operated until around 3 a.m. the following day. They had fled with their captives before soldiers reached the area. He also blamed the community’s vulnerability on the earlier withdrawal of military personnel stationed there after their base came under attack.

A Nuclear-Armed North Korea as a metaphor for the “Safe State”

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By Cally Ikpe, Ph.D

Throughout history, nations have competed for influence, territory, resources and strategic advantage. Whether driven by pride, ideology, religion, economics or national interest, the tendency of stronger states to dominate weaker ones has remained a recurring feature of international politics. Consequently, states perceived as vulnerable have often been subjected to conquest, coercion, or external interference.

History offers numerous examples. The trans-Atlantic slave trade, spanning roughly the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries, flourished largely because European powers possessed overwhelming military and naval superiority. Likewise, the colonisation of Africa during the late nineteenth century was facilitated by technological and military advantages. In many instances, colonised peoples had to wage prolonged armed struggles before attaining independence in the mid-twentieth century.

The First World War (1914–1918) and the Second World War (1939–1945) demonstrated the catastrophic consequences of unchecked military rivalry. The latter culminated in the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki on 6 and 9 August 1945, introducing humanity to the destructive power of nuclear weapons.

In response, the international community sought to prevent the spread of such weapons. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), which entered into force in 1970, aimed to limit the number of nuclear-armed states while encouraging disarmament and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. Yet the pursuit of nuclear capability did not cease. Several countries either developed nuclear arsenals or were believed to have done so outside the framework envisioned by the treaty.

North Korea’s nuclear path

North Korea (the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, or DPRK) withdrew from the NPT in January 2003 and pursued nuclear capability despite rigorous international sanctions, trade embargoes, and diplomatic pressure led by the United States. North Korea perhaps presents the most striking example. Despite severe economic sanctions, diplomatic isolation and sustained international pressure, it conducted its first nuclear test on 9 October 2006 and has since carried out multiple additional tests while steadily advancing its missile programme. Successive governments in Pyongyang have portrayed these capabilities not as instruments of conquest but as the ultimate guarantee of regime survival.

From North Korea’s perspective, nuclear weapons provide insurance against foreign intervention. Its leadership has repeatedly pointed to examples where governments without credible strategic deterrence were overthrown through external military action or coercion. Incidents such as the US military invasion of Panama in December 1989 to oust Manuel Noriega, the 2003 invasion of Iraq following the removal of Saddam Hussein, and the 2011 NATO intervention in Libya after Muammar Gaddafi voluntarily surrendered his nuclear program in 2003 and the January 3 2026 capture of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and his wife Cila Flores-now facing trial in New York City on the charges of narco-terrorism and cocaine trafficking are often cited in strategic discussion as reinforcing this perception.

Whether one agrees with Pyongyang’s reasoning or not, the outcome is difficult to ignore. Since becoming a de facto nuclear-armed state, no major power has seriously contemplated a conventional military invasion of North Korea. Instead, diplomatic negotiations, sanctions and deterrence have become the principal tools of engagement.

Today, there are nine countries widely regarded as possessing nuclear weapons: the United States, Russia, the United Kingdom, France, China, India, Pakistan, North Korea and Israel, although Israel maintains a policy of deliberate ambiguity regarding its arsenal. Collectively, these states possess an estimated 12,000 nuclear warheads, with the overwhelming majority held by the United States and Russia.

The strategic logic underpinning this reality is known as deterrence. It rests on the assumption that no rational actor will initiate an attack if doing so guarantees devastating retaliation. During the Cold War, this principle evolved into what came to be known as Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD), arguably helping to prevent direct war between the world’s two largest nuclear powers.

This deterrence debate also shapes current international tensions surrounding Iran’s nuclear programme. The United States, Israel and several European governments argue that preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons is essential to regional and global security. Iranian leaders, on the other hand, insist that their nuclear activities are peaceful while maintaining that the country has a legitimate right to develop advanced nuclear technology. Regardless of one’s position, the controversy underscores a broader strategic question: states that feel threatened often become more determined, not less, to acquire credible deterrent capabilities.

The paradox is therefore unmistakable. The international community understandably seeks to prevent nuclear proliferation because a world with many nuclear-armed states could be significantly more dangerous. Yet history also suggests that countries possessing credible nuclear deterrents are generally less likely to become targets of direct military invasion by other major powers.

This raises an uncomfortable but important question: does the possession of overwhelming retaliatory capability contribute to national security, or does it merely increase humanity’s collective risk?

Regional instability and the Iranian analogy

The dynamic between sovereign vulnerability and nuclear pursuit is evident in the Middle East. The persistent geopolitical pressure and economic sanctions applied to Iran by the US and regional adversaries stem directly from efforts to prevent Tehran from achieving nuclear breakout status.

For non-nuclear states involved in asymmetric conflicts, conventional capabilities restrict them to targeting regional military infrastructure or proxy positions rather than the sovereign territory of global superpowers. Observing how nuclear status shields North Korea from military interventions reinforces the incentive for other pressured states to view nuclear capability as their ultimate defensive shield.

North Korea’s experience does not provide a definitive answer. It does, however, illustrate a strategic reality that policymakers cannot ignore. Whether admired or condemned, its nuclear arsenal has fundamentally altered how other nations engage with it. In that sense, a nuclear-armed North Korea has become a metaphor for a state whose sovereignty is reinforced not by international goodwill, but by the perceived certainty that any existential attack would carry unacceptable consequences.

That conclusion is deeply unsettling. Yet it reflects one of the central paradoxes of modern international relations: while nuclear weapons undoubtedly increase the dangers confronting humanity, they have also, in certain circumstances, served as powerful instruments of deterrence. North Korea’s experience neither justifies nuclear proliferation nor settles the moral debate surrounding these weapons. It does, however, compel policymakers and scholars alike to confront an uncomfortable strategic reality—that in an international system where power remains the ultimate currency, the capacity to inflict unacceptable retaliation can profoundly shape the security and survival of states.

10-year-old princess carries Osun festival calabash

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A 10-year-old princess, Alimot Moredeke  Osunbunmi, has been made to carry the calabash of the annual Osun-Osogbo Festival, marking a significant milestone in one of Yoruba’s most revered cultural and spiritual celebrations.

Alimot, a member of the Ataoja of Osogbo royal family, led thousands of worshippers, traditional rulers, devotees and tourists in the sacred procession to the Osun Sacred Grove on Friday after completing the traditional rites required for the role.

Her participation this year marks a difference from the 2025 edition of the festival, when she was unable to carry the sacred calabash because of her age.

Although she led the procession as the newly selected Arugba last year, the sacred object was carried by a senior chief priest, Baba Osun Adesina, following concerns about the physical demands of the ritual.

The young princess was selected in March 2025 through Ifa divination, succeeding Osuntomi Ewatomi, whose tenure of about 12 years as the Arugba (meaning the one who carries calabash) ended after her marriage, in keeping with tradition that requires the Arugba to remain an unmarried maiden.

Ahead of Friday’s procession, Yoruba cultural advocate and content creator Wàá Ṣeré announced that Princess Alimot had successfully completed the traditional Ìdáfá rites, describing them as a crucial spiritual preparation before carrying the sacred calabash.

“The Arugba has been fortified. Ìdáfá Arugba is now done and dusted. Arugba takes the required sacrifice to Èṣù on behalf of the whole of the land of Òṣogbo,” the post read.

The announcement concluded with a blessing for the historic procession, noting that the young princess would carry the sacred calabash to the Osun deity at the revered grove.

According to Yoruba tradition, the Arugba occupies one of the most revered positions in the Osun-Osogbo Festival, because she serves as the symbolic intermediary between the people of Osogbo and Ọ̀ṣun, the Yoruba river goddess associated with fertility, healing and prosperity.

During the climax of the festival, the Arugba carries a sacred calabash containing ritual offerings from the Ataoja’s palace to the Osun Sacred Grove.

The procession is regarded as the spiritual high point of the celebration, with devotees believing the journey conveys the prayers, hopes and sacrifices of the community to the goddess.

Alimot’s emergence drew widespread attention last year because of her age, making her one of the youngest Arugba maidens in recent history.

The Osun-Osogbo Festival is one of Nigeria’s most prominent cultural and religious events, attracting traditional worshippers, tourists, researchers and cultural enthusiasts from across the country and abroad.

The celebration centres on the Osun Sacred Grove, a UNESCO World Heritage Site recognised for its cultural, historical and spiritual significance.

The 2026 festival, which runs from August 7 to August 19, features a series of traditional rites, cultural displays, drumming, dancing and royal ceremonies before culminating in the sacred procession to the grove.

 

Accord Party demands EFCC chair’s resignation over Osun account freeze

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ACCORD Party has called for the immediate resignation of the Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Ola Olukoyede, following President Bola Tinubu’s directive ordering the EFCC to unfreeze the Osun State Government’s accounts.

Speaking at a press conference in Abuja on Friday, Accord National Chairman, Maxwell Mgbudem, said that if Olukoyede failed to resign voluntarily, Tinubu should sack him to restore public confidence in the country’s anti-corruption fight.

“Accord welcomes President Tinubu’s timely intervention in this critical national issue and urges security agencies, anti-graft commissions, the electoral umpire and relevant democratic institutions to strictly abide by their rules of engagement, statutory duties and democratic ethics,” Mgbudem said.

He said the party had lost confidence in the current leadership of the EFCC, accusing the commission of exhibiting political bias in the lead-up to the August 15 governorship election in Osun State.

He noted that the commission’s action had embarrassed the Presidency, undermined public trust in the anti-corruption agency and projected Nigeria negatively.

“Having demonstrated unprecedented partisanship in Osun State politics, assaulted the sensibilities of fellow compatriots and brought the nation to ridicule and disrepute before the international community, Accord has lost confidence in the current leadership of the EFCC,” he said.

He added that Olukoyede should toe the path of honour by resigning, insisting that Tinubu should dismiss him if he failed to do so. According to him, no individual should be treated as untouchable in efforts to strengthen democratic institutions and preserve the credibility of Nigeria’s anti-corruption framework.

Mgbudem urged security agencies, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and other institutions involved in the Osun election to remain neutral and discharge their constitutional responsibilities professionally.

“Electoral contest is not warfare. It should not be militarised by deploying federal apparatus to suppress, subdue and oppress political opponents and their supporters to favour a party that has been rejected by the people,” he said.

He further appealed to election observers, civil society organisations, the Nigerian Bar Association, development partners and the media to remain vigilant against actions capable of undermining the credibility of the poll.

Mgbudem also called on Tinubu and the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, to facilitate the release of about 60 Accord members allegedly detained in Abuja, Osun and Nasarawa states, arguing that their release would ease political tension ahead of the poll.

The latest demand comes a day after Tinubu directed the EFCC to immediately return to court and vacate the order restricting transactions on Osun State Government’s statutory allocation accounts.

Tinubu said although he had not been fully briefed on the circumstances surrounding the investigation into the alleged diversion of about N11 billion in Ecology Funds, Intervention Funds and Federal Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) allocations that led to the accunts freeze, the timing of the restriction barely days before the August 15 governorship election was inappropriate, he stated.

The president said no action by any federal institution should create the impression that the Federal Government was seeking to influence the outcome of the poll.

The developments have heightened political tensions ahead of the election, with debates continuing over the independence of anti-corruption agencies and the need to safeguard public confidence in the electoral process.

Like Tinubu, many Nigerians on social media expressed concerns over the timing of the EFCC’s action and its potential impact on the credibility of the poll.

Some users on X urged Olukoyede to resign immediately, arguing that his continued stay in office suggested he was acting under undue influence. While others accused the EFCC chairman of presiding over what they described as a decline in the commission’s credibility, alleging that the anti-graft agency had become a tool for political score-settling rather than an impartial institution committed to fighting corruption.

Users, including Samuel Omogor alleged that the commission had selectively targeted opposition-controlled states and called on Olukoyede to step aside.

Similar sentiments were echoed on Facebook, where several users questioned the EFCC chairman’s leadership following Tinubu’s directive reversing the commission’s action.

Gbenga Shoyemi argued that if the president truly had no prior knowledge of the account restriction, Olukoyede should be removed for bringing embarrassment to Nigeria’s democratic system.

Onatoye Temitope Michael, questioned the EFCC chairman’s integrity and competence.

Trump signs two executive orders to tighten birthright citizenship, end ‘birth tourism’

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UNITED States President Donald Trump has again signed an executive order directing federal agencies to deny recognition of U.S. citizenship to certain categories of children born in the country to non-citizen parents.

The developments revived one of the most controversial elements of his immigration agenda weeks after the U.S. Supreme Court rejected his broader attempt to limit automatic citizenship.

The executive orders, titled “Continuing to Protect the Meaning and Value of American Citizenship” and “Ending Birth Tourism,” were signed on Thursday, August 6.

The first order directs federal agencies not to recognise U.S. citizenship for certain children born in the United States when neither parent is an American citizen and specific conditions apply.

Under the directive, citizenship recognition would be denied where either parent is classified as an “alien enemy,” including members of organisations designated as Foreign Terrorist Organisations or Specially Designated Global Terrorists under U.S. law.

The restriction also applies to children of foreign government employees, including ambassadors, embassy and consular staff who are nationals of their home countries, as well as foreign government officials and employees of international organisations who enjoy diplomatic immunity.

The order further targets people the administration says obtained citizenship through “birth tourism” or fraudulent schemes. It applies where parents allegedly entered into commercial arrangements to ensure a child’s birth in the United States or its territories for the purpose of securing U.S. citizenship, including through surrogacy arrangements.

It also extends to children born in U.S. territories or territorial waters where citizenship is not automatically conferred by federal statute.

Trump directed the Secretary of State, Attorney General, Secretary of Homeland Security and the Commissioner of Social Security to ensure that their agencies’ policies comply with the order and instructed all executive departments and agencies to publish implementation guidance within 30 days.

In the second executive order, Trump instructed the Secretaries of State and Homeland Security to take steps to end “birth tourism,” which the administration defined as the entry of a foreign national into the United States on a non-immigrant visa for the purpose of giving birth on American soil or facilitating such travel.

The order authorises the departments to strengthen visa screening and immigration enforcement, including denying visas or other travel authorisations to people suspected of travelling to the United States for birth tourism, revoking existing visas, permanently barring offenders from re-entering the country and removing individuals found to have engaged in the practice.

It also authorises action against organisations and individuals, both within and outside the United States, accused of facilitating birth tourism schemes.

The order, however, allows exemptions on humanitarian grounds or where entry is deemed to be in the U.S. national interest.

Explaining the policy, the White House argued that birth tourism operators deceive foreign nationals by promising citizenship, public benefits and temporary accommodation while coaching clients to misrepresent the purpose of their travel to U.S. consular and border officials.

According to the administration, the practice exploits temporary visa categories, undermines the integrity of the U.S. immigration system, diverts immigration enforcement resources, and poses national security concerns.

Trump said U.S. citizenship remained “a priceless and profound gift” and argued that his administration was protecting Americans from foreign actors seeking to exploit the country’s immigration laws.

The orders come weeks after the U.S. Supreme Court rejected Trump’s broader attempt to restrict birthright citizenship. 

Shortly after beginning his second term, Trump signed an executive order directing federal agencies not to recognise the citizenship of children born in the United States unless at least one parent was a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident. 

The policy would have affected children born to undocumented immigrants and many temporary visa holders.

However, on June 30, the Supreme Court ruled that the order conflicted with the Citizenship Clause of the 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which has, since its ratification in 1868, been interpreted to guarantee citizenship to nearly everyone born on U.S. soil, except for limited categories such as children of foreign diplomats and members of an occupying enemy force.

Although Trump reportedly called the Supreme Court’s 6-3 ruling on June 30 a “very unfortunate decision,” White House argued that the latest executive order adopts a narrower approach by expanding historical exceptions to birthright citizenship rather than overturning the constitutional guarantee. 

“That’s not the way it’s supposed to work. It’s a disgrace. They’re buying their way in, and we’re not going to let it happen,” he was quoted to have said.