For how long can Muhammadu Buhari, Nigeria’s ailing President, stay in London for medical treatment? Is the answer indefinite, until the expiration of his first term in 2019?
After a 49-day medical vacation in London early this year, Buhari travelled to London again for an indefinite medical examination in May 7.
Buhari has so far spent 56 days in his second medical journey, with no definite return date.
This indefinite stay abroad has led to speculations that the president will be removed from office if he spends more than 60 days outside the country.
However, the duration his foreign stay is not specified in the 1999 Constitution as amended.
As long as he has duly transmitted power to the Vice-President, he can stay in London as much as he wants, unless he is impeached by the National Assembly.
PROCEDURE FOR REMOVING THE PRESIDENT
For the president to be removed from office on the ground of ill-health as specified in Section 144 of the Constitution, two-thirds majority of all members of the Federal Executive Council (FEC) must pass a resolution declaring that he is incapable of discharging the functions of his office.
This declaration by FEC will be verified by a five-man medical panel appointed by the Senate President.
The five members of the panel must be medical practitioners, including the personal physician to the president. The four others must be medical practitioners who have attained a high degree of eminence in the field of medicine related to whatever illness the president is suffering from.
This medical panel will then examine the president in accordance with international standards.
Should the medical panel certify that the president is incapable of discharging the functions of his office due to the illness, a notice signed by the Senate President and the Speaker of the House of Representatives shall be published in the Official Gazette of the Government of the Federation.
Immediately this notice is published, Buhari will cease to be the President of Nigeria and Yemi Osinbajo, the Acting President, will now assume the role of substantive President while a new Vice-President will be appointed.
HOW THE CONSTITUTION PRECISELY STATES IT
Chapter VI, Section 144
(1) The President or Vice-President shall cease to hold office, if –
(a) by a resolution passed by two-thirds majority of all the members of the executive council of the Federation it is declared that the President or Vice-President is incapable of discharging the functions of his office; and
(b) the declaration is verified, after such medical examination as may be necessary, by a medical panel established under subsection (4) of this section in its report to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives.
(2) Where the medical panel certifies in the report that in its opinion the President or Vice-President is suffering from such infirmity of body or mind as renders him permanently incapable of discharging the functions of his office, a notice thereof signed by the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives shall be published in the Official Gazette of the Government of the Federation.
(3) The President or Vice-President shall cease to hold office as from the date of publication of the notice of the medical report pursuant to subsection (2) of this section.
(4) The medical panel to which this section relates shall be appointed by the President of the Senate, and shall comprise five medical practitioners in Nigeria:-
(a) one of whom shall be the personal physician of the holder of the office concerned; and
(b) four other medical practitioners who have, in the opinion of the President of the Senate, attained a high degree of eminence in the field of medicine relative to the nature of the examination to be conducted in accordance with the foregoing provisions.
(5) In this section, the reference to “executive council of the Federation” is a reference to the body of Ministers of the Government of the Federation, howsoever called, established by the President and charged with such responsibilities for the functions of government as the President may direct.
ANY OTHER MEANS?
Members of the National Assembly may decide to rely on Section 143 of the Constitution to remove the president if two-thirds of the members present signed a written allegation of gross misconduct against the president.
According to the Constitution, “gross misconduct” means a grave violation or breach of the provisions of this Constitution or a misconduct of such nature as amounts in the opinion of the National Assembly to gross misconduct.
Upon receiving the notice of this allegation, the Senate President shall within seven days serve a copy to the president and give each member of the National Assembly another.
The president is expected to reply to the allegation and a copy of his reply will be made available to every member of the National Assembly.
Within 14 days of the presentation of the allegation, members of the National Assembly will resolve by motion without any debate whether or not the allegation shall be investigated.
If up to two-thirds of members of National Assembly agree that the allegation will be investigated, the Senate President shall within seven days request the Chief Justice of Nigeria to appoint a seven member panel to investigate the allegation.
Members of the panel must be persons with unquestionable integrity and not being members of any public service, legislative house or political party.
The panel will submit its reports within three months to the National Assembly.
If the report by the panel concludes that the allegation has not been proved, then the president cannot be impeached and the National Assembly shall suspend all proceedings in respect to the impeachment.
But if the report proves the allegation, then the National Assembly shall consider the report within 14 days after receiving it from the panel.
And if up to two-thirds members of the National Assembly support the resolution, the report will be adopted and the President will cease to hold his office.
This process of removing shall not be challenged in a court of law.
ANSWER
Having handed over power to Osinbajo in acting capacity, President Muhammadu Buhari can stay in London or anywhere else for as long as he wants — so long two-thirds of the national executive council do not have a problem with it.
EDITOR’S NOTE: This piece was originally published on July 4. It has been republished in the light of the ongoing return-or-resign protests against President Muhammadu Buhari.
Of all the vote-catching strategies laid out by the ruling All Progressives Congress in the lead-up to the 2015 general election, its promise to prosecute an all-out war against corruption was unquestionably the most compelling and believable. This is because its presidential candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, is widely known as a man of integrity with very strong aversion for corrupt practices.
And so, due largely to its promise to fight corruption to a standstill and the credibility of the personality behind the pledge, APC was able to seize the mantle from the old guards of corruption and form a new government. Therefore, to refer to Buhari’s government as one of anti-corruption – one hoping to hinge its success in governance on how well it performs in this specific assignment – would not be out of place.
To this administration’s credit, the last two years, or at least since one doughty, no-nonsense police officer named Ibrahim Magu became Acting Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the anti-corruption war has been waged in a manner that has never been seen in the history of Nigeria.
Amazing loads upon loads of stolen public funds in various currencies are being recovered and returned to government coffers. Thanks to the whistleblower initiative, more and more disclosures about the hidden loots are being made to the relevant agencies. And unlike what obtained in the past, the big guns of society, hitherto untouchable, are regularly being hauled to the law courts on account of fraudulent activities. But as yet, no conviction of note has been recorded.
As can be seen, it’s not been an easy fight. Corruption is refusing to be subdued. Government has lost some high-profile cases, while some others are stalemated. Cynics contend that failure to secure notable convictions is proof that government is shoddy in the way it is prosecuting the war; government officials counter that corruption is fighting back in a virulent manner.
In a way, both are correct. While those who have made corruption a lifetime occupation won’t give up easily, it is also true that this administration routinely shoots itself in the foot as far as the anti-corruption campaign is concerned. Take for example, the unhealthy relationship between the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, and anti-corruption agencies like the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC).
Sensing that it is being overshadowed by the two agencies, the AGF is angling to show its muscle as the pre-eminent government department in all matters legal, and especially as far as prosecuting corruption cases is concerned. Okoi Obono-Obla, Special Assistant to the President on Prosecutions, man Friday and agent provocateur, is the arrowhead in this needless exercise of power that is clearly aimed at meeting some self-serving political ends.
At every given opportunity, Obono-Obla does not fail to reiterate the fable that the anti-corruption agencies are not co-operating with the office of the AGF. But the more likely position, in the assessment of many observers, is that these agencies are not willing to compromise in some high-profile cases in which the AGF might be interested.
That is why it is widely believed that other than crude, selfish politics, there can be no legitimate reason for the AGF’s latest threat, as conveyed by Obono-Obla, to report the heads of EFCC and ICPC to the presidency for refusing to hand over the case files of more than 35 former governors and senators. It is important to ask why the AGF wants these files. Why won’t he simply invite these agencies to a meeting to update him on the cases, and then explore ways of assisting in achieving diligent prosecution?
No one is disputing the AGF’s status as the numero uno in the circumstance, but he should refrain from bearing down on these agencies as though they don’t have a statutory mandate to perform certain roles corresponding with his. To paraphrase a local proverb, the sky is wide enough for every bird to flap its wings.
Instead of requesting cases started by other agencies, the AGF should initiate his own high-profile cases too to show that it not only barks but bites as well. Obono-Obla has accused the agencies of slowing down the anti-corruption war. Well, he has to show concrete proof of how this is happening before the charge can hold water, not by merely pointing to a refusal of the agencies to turn in files of the corruption cases they initiated.
In any case the last time anyone heard of one group of government official publicly expressing misgivings about the other, it was one prominent member of the Presidential Advisory Committee Against Corruption (PACAC), also a senior Advocate of Nigeria, berating Obono-Obla’s boss for openly disagreeing with Acting President Yemi Osinbajo on the retention of Magu as the chair of EFCC.
This individual stopped short of calling for the AGF’s sack. Before then, this same member and another articulate colleague at a forum on corruption organized in Abuja by the Pyrates Confraternity, separately pronounced doubts about the commitment of the AGF to the anti-corruption efforts of the government on account of serial embarrassing defeats handed the government in key cases prosecuted by his office.
In fact, there are speculations – indeed strong belief – that the AGF is working with some equally highly-placed corrupt persons to scuttle the anti-corruption fight. He should rather strive to allay the fears of the public and restore confidence in his office, not perpetually bicker with other agencies over cases he didn’t originate.
Godwin Onyeacholem is a journalist. He can be reached on gonyeacholem@gmail.com
Police on Tuesday in Abuja fired tear-gas canisters and high-velocity stream of water at protesters asking for President Muhammadu Buhari to either return to the country or resign.
Armed policemen who also used dogs to scare away the protesters manhandled some of them, leaving one injured and many others scampering to safety. Journalists went early to the Unity Fountain to cover the protest, but they were also not spared from the effect of the teargas.
The protesters, led by Charly Boy, a popular and lone entertainer, gathered at the fountain for the second day of what was planned to be a one-week protest under the OurMumuDonDo campaign to demand the return or resignation of the President who has spent 90 days in London for medical treatment.
As early as 7am, policemen took over the fountain, a development that forced the protesters to relocate to the Millennium Park ground.
However, the security operatives, who were said to be acting on directives from the federal government to disrupt the rally because the protest on Monday went viral and embarrassed the government, went ahead to also disperse the protesters after their relocation to the Millennium Park.
According to a witness, Charly Boy, wept profusely after he and others were teargassed by the police, and later collapsed as he mustered strength to explain what happened when asked by journalists.
It took quick the intervention of other protesters who poured water on him before he could be revived.
“When we saw Charly Boy inside the Millennium Park, he was just crying and we tried to calm him down and ask questions. He just collapsed and fainted as one of his boys was about to explain to us,” said a reporter with WAZOBIA FM.
“His eyes were red and his legs were injured. We had to quickly pour water on him to revive him. We were there when the police again fired another tear-gas canister. Even now, my eyes are aching.”
The wounded protester was taken to a clinic at the Federal Secretariat complex, a few kilometres from the scene of the incident. But the extent of his injuries could not be immediately ascertained.
The participants, however, braved the assault and continued with their meeting for about an hour.
Ondo is popularly known by the slogan ‘The Sunshine State’. But for between three and eight years, four local governments — Okitipupa, Ode-Irele, Ese-Odo and Ilaje — all in Ondo South Senatorial District, have lived in darkness, cut off the power grid for alleged indebtedness to the Benin Electricity Distribution Company (BEDC). Ever since, life in the region has been defined by frustration, hunger, anger, poverty and joblessness, writes YEKEEN AKINWALE, who was in the state to document the pains of the people.
“This is frustrating,” he soliloquizes, simultaneously using a cardboard to blow air into a charcoal-powered pressing iron.
Fanning the iron with one hand and looking away to avoid the choking smoke gushing out of the iron, Oluwashina Omoyeni cannot not hide his frustration as a fashion designer whose most important resource, electricity, is lacking.
With pieces of clothes — newly sewn and freshly cut — lying on his table waiting to be ironed, he struggles to stoke the fire in the iron but the charcoal wouldn’t just burn immediately. This drudgery is what makes him continue lamenting the suffering of everyone in the area.
His experience sums up the frustration of residents of Ondo South Senatorial District, who have been without electricity for years; it is three years for people of Okitipupa, and five for those resident in Ilaje, Irele and Ese-Odo.
THE BONDAGE OF POWER OUTAGE
To power his iron, despondent Omoyeni looks to charcoal
A tour of the district reveals that the people have resigned to living without electricity. Igbotako, Ile-Tuntun, Ikoya, Aye, Atijere and Erinje, among others, have not experienced electricity for about eight years, and there is no hope it will be restored soon; it’s mission near-impossible.
Darkness is a lifestyle in the district, it seems. An envelope of darkness at night at Igbekebo town creates an ominous scene for a newcomer, summarizes the bondage of power outage afflicting the community. Except for flashes of lights from headlamps of motorcycles and a few vehicles coming from Irele, the entire environment looks like a town of the dead.
The headquarters of Ese-Odo local government in Igbekebo, not far from Omoyeni’s shop, is powered daily by an industrial generator. Civil servants at the local government come to office with rechargeable lamps, some even sneaking their clothes into the secretariat for ironing.
DASHED HOPES
In March 2016, Omoyeni relocated from Lagos to Ese-Odo, his place of birth, to explore opportunities as a fashion designer and stylist. He made the move with huge hopes for his business. But one year after his return, he is full of regrets for leaving the hustling and bustling life of Lagos. For him, social and economic life in the whole of Ondo South Senatorial District is “dead without electricity”.
“Since March 7, 2016, when I returned from Lagos where I was based, I never enjoyed electricity here,” he says.
“I have not seen electricity. You know the kind of work I do, we use electricity to power our machines, iron clothes and all that.
“Even after work, you cannot relax at home to watch news or any other programme on the television. In fact, this power outage is affecting us in all ramifications. I use the generator only when I need to work overnight, otherwise it is not profitable to use generator because the population in this area is unworthy of that kind of investment.
“We don’t have customers. It seems to me that people here are used to darkness, they don’t know the value of electricity because they are not doing anything to even impress it on the government that they need electricity.”
To charge his phone, he has to pay N50 at a generator-powered charging point, and what he gets in return is a recharged phone battery that won’t even last the entire day.
“By the time you take your phone for charging, you can imagine how many businesses you would have missed, and that is if the customers’ phone were also charged!” he continues.
“It is a major problem we’re experiencing here. I live in Okitipupa but I work here. From 7pm onward, this place looks like a graveyard because everywhere will be in darkness.”
Though both Rotimi Akeredolu, Governor of Ondo State, and Agboola Ajayi, his deputy, have their roots in Ese-Odo Local Government, the area is yet to feel their impact. Ajayi was the Chairman of Ese-Odo Local Government between 2004 and 2007.
“Did you know that the Governor’s mother is from this local government and even the Deputy Governor was a Chairman in this council?” Omoyeni asks, disappointment and anger etched on his face.
NEGLECT, RUIN, POVERTY
Vestiges of fallen electricity poles, cables, vandalized transformers and dilapidated electricity installations across Okitipupa and the three other local governments in the area paint a picture of a District in ruins. They welcome a visitor to any of these communities. An overgrown power sub-station along Broad Street in Okitipupa says it all.
Abandoned sub-station on Broad Street, Okitipupa
“All these poles and cables that you see on the ground and those in the bush along all the roads to Igbokoda and Ode-Irele, Ese-Odo and Ore are the result of years of neglect. Many of them were vandalized,” says Solomo Odunwon, a worker at the palace of traditional ruler of Okitipupa.
“If you check, many transformers within the town are empty, what you have there are just boxes, jobless boys have stolen many of their contents. We are not expecting light here again; we are used to it. We run on diesel every day to power the palace.”
The relics of electrical poles and wires speak volume of the extent of the work to be done by the Benin Electricity Distribution Company (BEDC) if power would ever be restored to the area.
The overgrown sub-station on Broad Street in Okitipupa hitherto served the four local governments. It belongs to the old National Electric Power Authority (NEPA) — and the creeping animals that now occupy it.
Residents say the sub-station, which still has all its installations intact though no longer functional, was abandoned by BEDC immediately it cut off the area from the national grid in 2014.
Inside the overgrown compound are three operational vehicles — a bus, two Toyota pickup vans and a Mercedes Benz 230 — parked a distance away from the rest. The vehicles are painted in the brown colour of the defunct NEPA. A big warehouse and an office overlook the installations but they are desolate.
Not far from the sub-station is another edifice in ruins — an abandoned two-storeyed building. Sitting on a plot of land along Ikoya road on the same Broad Street. The dilapidated building, already taken over by bushes and showing signs of imminent collapse, served as NEPA office in Okitipupa.
On the cusp of collapse, an abandoned office complex of BEDC in Okitipupa
ICIR gathered that members of staff of the company who were working there and at the sub-station were transferred to Ondo and Akure, after Okitipupa and its sister local governments were cut off from the main power source.
Across the town are locked shops whose owners have been forced out of business due to the electricity problem. Such is the case of a viewing centre along Akindele Street in Okitipupa, which stopped operation more than two years ago when the owner could no longer cope with huge cost of fueling the centre in the face of dwindling patronage. ICIR learnt that the owner is now a farmer and motorcycle rider.
FROM HERO TO ZERO
Forced out of business… dry cleaner-turned-motorcycle rider
But 30-year-old Oluwafemi Isaac, owner of Mega Solution Laundry and Dry Cleaning Outfit, Okitipupa, has grown resilient. He combined dry cleaning and laundry services with commercial motorcycle riding.
From the length and breadth of Okitipupa and anywhere he went Isaac received greetings; he was popular for his first-rate dry cleaning services. For more than five years, he dominated the laundry services business in the whole town, his popularity even extending to as far as Ese-Odo Local Government.
No thanks to the infamous disconnection of power supply, which crippled his business, his popularity as a dry cleaner has also waned though it has grown as an Okada rider now. What a fate!
Despite having a diesel-powered generating set with which he operates his washing machines and ironing customers’ clothes, Isaac still can’t cope with buying fuel to run the generating set with diesel, which until recently sold for N250 per litre. Aside spending N97,500 every month to power the generator, he has three workers whom he pays N7,000 monthly.
Now, he augments the business with commercial motorcycling in order to be able to raise money to eat and also to buy fuel to service few of his customers who still patronise him.
“This problem of electricity has crippled my business because we need electricity to power the washing machine and to iron clothes,” Isaac says.
“Sometimes I get discouraged from working because of the cost of buying fuel alone. I use 13 litres of diesel every day to wash and to iron clothes. This has made our prices to go up and we have to remain in the business.
“When we had electricity, we charged N100 for a complete piece of clothing but it is now N200 and customers can’t afford that, so it is affecting us now. We have clothes to iron now but customers have not paid and we cannot buy diesel to power the generator.
“If I have to use petrol, at the rate of N150 per litre, I will spend over N54,000 monthly on fuel alone. Sometimes I ride bike to augment my earnings when we don’t have fuel or work to do because people no longer bring clothes like before and you cannot blame them.”
EXTREME SUFFERING AT 80
To survive, ‘Mama Eleko’ has converted her deep freezer to a cupboard
But more pitiable is Olasemojo Ulawo, an Octogenarian who was famous for selling beer and soft drinks in her area before the almighty BEDC struck in 2014.
To survive, Mama Eleko, as she is fondly addressed by everyone in the neighbourhood, now sells water to residents from a borehole drilled by her late husband. A bowl of water that she uses a generator to pump in front of her house is just N10. Her daily earnings depend on the water needs of the neighbourhood.
Pointing to her deep freezer that has now been converted to a cupboard where food items such as bread and garri are kept, MamaEleko tells the ICIR that she could not afford to use generator to power the deep freezer to continue with her cold drinks business.
Still having the pile of beer and soft drinks crates in a corner of what used to be her shop but now converted to her room at the basement of a one-storeyed building, she also augments the water business with petty trading.
Her combined earning from the sale of water and odds and ends cannot sustain her at such advanced age as a widow whose children are far away. “Let government give us light,” she moans. “The suffering is too much, hunger is killing us. This is the fifth year that we have been without light.”
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEATH
For Oke Akinbuwa, a driver in his 60s, the district is economically and socially dead. Making particular reference to Okitipupa’s Oil Palm Mill and Oluwa Glass Industry — the two companies that popularised the area in the 70s, 80s and of course 90s — Akinbuwa says there is nothing left to attract young people to the area. While Oluwa Glass situated, along Igbokoda road, is completely dead and deserted as a company, Okitipupa is moribund.
“Many people have not switched on their televisions and radio for the past three years. Radio and TV repairers here have turned to farming and motorcycle riding. No ice water to drink, beer parlours now open only in the evening. No hotel puts on the generator for 24 hours; what they do is just to switch it on between 6pm and 12am,” he says dejectedly.
“We live in the darkness; sometimes it looks like the town is empty because there is no light. There is no headway about the electricity. They are asking us to bring money and that’s the only condition for us to have light. We are old, we have nowhere to go. It is only our children who can go elsewhere.
“There is nothing in this town. If I were a young man, I would have left since. For example, when there is no light, someone who has N200 will use it to buy kerosene to power his lantern. How can you have light without food?”
Olasemojo Omotola, a civil servant, couldn’t lament less, exclaiming: “We don’t derive any satisfaction from blackout!
“Our industries are all dead; Oluwatoyin Sawmill is comatose due to this power problem. Look at welders in this town now, only a few of them are operating and they are using diesel generators. Imagine the amount of environmental pollution we are experiencing now due to smokes from small and big generators.”
Fayemi Joshua, a trained photographer-turned-motorcycle rider, lives in Ilumeje, one of the settlements under the Ilaje clan. He plies his trade in Okitipupa, but his town has not had electricity since 2003.
“We have complained everywhere but nothing has been done. The last time we had light was when late Segun Agagu was campaigning for his governorship election. We are just spending money on fuel; we don’t have money to feed,” Joshua says, straddling his Bajaj-branded bike.
“Our televisions and radios have become homes to rodents due to this problem of electricity. There is no job here and as you can see, I’m riding okada to survive because there is no light to print pictures even if I decide to work as a photographer. The people of Ondo South Senatorial District have been abandoned by their elected representatives.”
DESERTED BY THEIR LEADERS
‘Communal’ phone charging
The lamentation by Emmanuel Olohunwa, a phone repairer, captures their mood. According to Olohunwa, the state government has shown no concern about their plight.
“Our elected leaders are not helping us, Senators and members of House of Representatives and even the Speaker are not responding to our problem,” he says. “The immediate former governor, Segun Mimiko, was indifferent to our case but we want the new governor to help us.”
Olohunwa reveals that he spends N1,500 daily on fuel “because I switch on my generator as early as 7am and it will be on till 9pm when I close”.
“All the money that I realise from sales, repair and charging are taken away from me by fuel,” he adds. “People pay N50 to charge their phones and recharge their lamps.”
For possessing three portable generators, colloquially known as “I better pass my neighbour’, Olohunwa is one of the more respected fellows in the community. With these generators, he is able to charge customers’ phones and batteries. In a day, he charges “more than 25 batteries”.
OFF AIR: NTA OKITIPUPA
Adaba FM is located in Akure but it has taken the shine off NTA Okitipupa, no thanks to the power outage. Not only is the radio station now the preferred channel of information for the people of the area, it has also replaced the seven-year-old NTA in terms of commercials and advertisements.
Residents of all the local governments that make up Ondo South Senatorial District have forgotten about the television station. Their sentiment is understandable; the station has been off air for some time. “It no longer transmits,” says a staff of the station who did not want his name mentioned.
So as households’ television sets in Okitipupa and environs are on indefinite break, so also is NTA Channel 26, situated at Idepe in Okitipupa. The coastal station, as it is known, has been off air for about three years due to the power outage and outrageous cost of fueling the station. When the ICIRvisited it, the station still managed some skeletal operation because of its terrestrial paid station, Star Times.
The two industrial generating sets powering the operation room and the transmitting masts were the only reasons some part of the stations were electrified.
But Inumisan Olayemi, Marketing Manager of the station, who was himself listening to Adaba FM on his mobile phone in his car when the ICIR visited, says the station was still transmitting.
“We are transmitting but all the little money we realise from commercials goes into diesel. It is a big problem for us and you know Start Times is here, they run on diesel 24/7,” says Olayemi.
“The problem has badly affected the marketing department because people prefer to take their adverts to radio stations in Akure to bringing it here; at least they can hear it on radio. When there was electricity, when people were planning burials, they planned with NTA adverts in mind. But now, if you go to them for advert, they will tell you that there is no light.”
He explains that the power problem confronting Ondo South has led to about 80 percent reduction in revenue generation of the television station. “We hardly get a commercial a month now,” he says.
NIGERIA’S $15,529/DAY LOSS
Nigeria is the world’s fifth biggest producer of palm oil (Malaysia and Indonesia occupy the top two positions), but it is currently losing $15,529 daily due to the death of Okitipupa Oil Mill. This is approximately a loss of $465,860 a month for a country battling recession and with one of highest unemployment rate in the world: an increase to 14.2 percent in the last quarter of 2016 from 10.4 percent a year earlier. It is the highest joblessness rate since 2009, as the number of unemployed went up by 3.5 million to 11.549 million. Many of the workers at the mill have left after being owed several months of salary.
Employing more than 3,000 workers, the mill produces 25metric tons of palm oil per day when it worked at optimum capacity. According to Index Mundi, an online platform that focuses on importation and exportation of commodities, the current export price per metric ton of palm oil is $621 dollar (as of June 2017).
Okitipupa Oil mill was run aground by bad management on the one hand, and problem of electricity on the other. The carcass of the main mill at the entrance of its Marine Road Headquarters in Okitipupa says it all. What remains of Okitipupa Oil Mill is its name, which has already travelled beyond the shores of the country. The real oil mill of 1968 and early 80s is now a sorry edifice.
The elderly retired soldier manning the place denies the journalist the chance to enter the mill or take a snapshot of its relics by, but what is obvious is a mill in a state of disrepair. With collapsed roofs and fallen parts, the main mill is long dead.
“We used to have over 3,000 workers here but many left for motorcycle riding when the management could not pay their salaries,” he says.
A senior engineer with the oil palm mill adds “this place is moribund” but doesn’t wait to offer details when approached for further comments.
In the past, Okitipupa Oil Palm Plc produced palm oil and kernel. The company that once offered crude palm oil, technical oil, pharmaceutical sterin, palm wine, brooms, seedlings, ashes, and brown soaps now engages in what its staff called “cut and sell”.
Local palm oil makers now buy palm kernels from the mill while the management also runs local mills in place of the giant mill that is now out of operation. What a loss for Ondo state!
Adegbohun Ade, an Electrical Superintendent at the oil mill, says that although the mill has an industrial generator that used to supply power, it cannot run on the generator due to high cost of fueling. Though Ade declines to discuss the details of the problems confronting the once quoted company, he says power is a major factor.
The local palm oil mill has replaced the Okitipupa Oil Mill
The mill, it was gathered, has its dedicated power lines from the old NEPA but they have now broken down or destroyed due to power outage.
“Even if there is light, it can never get here because since 2014 so many of our power lines have either broken down or vandalized,” he says.
“In fact, we used to have a NEPA staff occupying one of our quarters, to show the level of relationship between the mill and NEPA. But today, all that is no more.”
He says machines in the mill are also obsolete and should be replaced rather than repaired if it must bounce back to its past glories. But the mill has become a campaign tool for successive administrations in Ondo State. Every governorship candidate in recent elections has promised to resuscitate it, but the eventual winners never fulfilled their promises. No one knows yet if Rotimi Akeredolu, the new Governor, will revive the mill.
FRUSTRATED ROYAL FATHERS
Igbokoda town has not seen electricity for eight years
Andrew Ikuesan, the Olubo of Obenla Kingdom, Igbokoda in Ilaje Local Government Area, is not in the mood for any chat. He has just lost his sister and is being consoled by his chiefs and subjects. But the moment he is told the electricity situation has brought a journalist to the community, he rises from his seat.
“What do you want to know about the electricity?” he asks, his massive frame and heavily bearded face almost overshadowing his grief.
“The last time I set my eyes on light here was eight years ago. We don’t know where to go. I spend N75, 000 every month to power this palace. I don’t know what crime we committed here.”
In 2015, on the eve of the general election, Ilaje students who gathered to protest against years of blackout were dispersed by armed security men.
Up till now, many coastal villages in Ilaje Local Government, the only area with crude oil deposit, which qualifies Ondo State as an oil-producing state, have been without electricity for more than eight years.
Despite having a Nigerian Navy Forward Operating Base and one of the biggest fish markets in the South West, it is one house, one generator in Igbokoda. Even when Olusegun Mimiko, the former Governor, inaugurated a set of street lights on the only main road in the town, they were powered on the day of commissioning with a generator in 2015.
But the Ilaje king is not the only one who is angry. Oba Olanrewaju Lebi, the Olofun of Irele, is also unhappy about the darkness that has enveloped the district over the years.
With the king old and sick, his queen Ibiduni Lebi speaks on his behalf. Lebi laments the indifferent attitude of the Mimiko administration to the problem of blackout in the district. She explains that the kingdom has witnessed a surge in crime rate, especially kidnapping, since the place was cut off.
“There was supposed to be a demonstration but our people were stopped from doing that demonstration by Mimiko, saying he would look into it. But nothing has happened since then. We are still in the darkness,” she says.
“Our elected representatives in the state house of Assembly and those in Abuja are not doing anything. We expect them to do more on our behalf on this problem but it appears they are not doing anything.
“We believe that our representatives should have been able to solve this problem for us. I learnt that during the privatization of power assets, all the outstanding debt was cleared. Before they completely cut us off, what we were getting in terms of electricity supply was like once in a week. It was not regular.
“To power this palace, we spend N3000 daily on petrol and N21, 000 every week. Eighty percent of the king’s salary goes into buying fuel.”
DEARTH OF RESEARCH AT OSUSTECH
Ogunduyile: there can’t be any serious research work without electricity.
With electricity cables and poles well-connected, a visitor to the Ondo State University of Science and Technology (OSUSTECH) will get the impression that the ivory tower is well-serviced by the national power grid. That is far from the reality.
Located on Kilometre 6, Okitipupa-Igbokoda road, OSUSTECH, with just a faculty — Faculty of Science — and 2000 students, is just recuperating from what Sunday Ogunduyile, the Vice Chancellor, describes as ‘years of neglect’. It is also struggling to fulfil its motto: “For society and development.”
In actual sense, the university has been fully run on generators since 2010/2011 when it commenced academic activities, consequently incurring a huge bill running into millions of naira for powering the university.
“The university spends as much as N9million in three months which amounts to N18million in a session to fuel its generator” says Ogunduyile.
“And we cannot put it on beyond 6pm otherwise we would have been using double and a university of this nature is expected to have students working throughout the night, lecturers doing their researches. If we are to be using it the way we should be using electricity, it means we will be using electricity close to N20million in three months.
“It has affected the university’s finances in other areas; you know a university that is just recovering from long neglect requires every kobo to bring about infrastructural development and so on. For example, the N9million that we spend on power, if we divert that to our library to buy journals, the shelves will be filled. It’s affecting us immensely.”
As a science and technology university, OSUSTECH is expected to churn out cutting-edge researches, but absent of constant power supply means the university can only hope to achieve the feat one day when it is connected to the power grid.
According to him, the university has yet to engage in robust practical experimentation of researches conducted by its lecturers because there is no electricity to work with.
He explains: “The researches we are doing are now being re-intensified. We have been doing them and papers have been published all over the place but when it comes to practical experimentation we need light and we have not been doing well in that area.
“We have written, pleading that we should be connected to the national grid and so on and so forth. But we have not heard any positive response. Where I came from, I normally remain in my office till 10 pm or sometimes I remained there till morning because there was light. If you are to do any serious research work, you need that privacy even after closing hour. But here, we cannot do that. Come here when it is 6pm, and you’ll see the place will look like a ghost village.”
THE REAL REASON BEHIND THE DARKNESS
In the beginning, people of Okitipupa and environs were told that the power outage was caused by a technical fault.
In fact, on October 14, 2014, Benin Electricity Distribution Company (BEDC) informed the people of Odigbo, Okitipupa, Ilaje, Ode-Irele and Ese-Odo local governments that some timber fellers destroyed the high-tension cable that supplies electricity to the district while carrying out their felling activities along Benin-Ore express road. The distribution company serves Edo, Delta and Ekiti States in addition to Ondo State.
But BEDC would later surprise them with a bill of N1billion as the district’s accumulated debt before and after the unbundling of Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN).
At a forum organised by the BEDC to sensitise customers and provide information on the company’s proposed tariff review on August 26, 2015, Edgar Ernest, Chief State Head of BEDC, was quoted as saying that the blackout was because the communities owed over N1billion. He said the communities refused to pay the debt since BEDC took control of the power sector.
“We divided the debt to two: pre-privatisation and post-privatisation and asked the communities to pay, even if it is only the post-privatization they could afford,” Earnest said back then.
“But they did not pay. And we decided to cut their supply until they pay their debt. If you don’t pay your bill, how do you want the company to survive? We will not restore their light until they pay us. Any company that makes N1billion monthly is a big company, let alone losing such amount.”
Expectedly, it was greeted by outcry from the people of the communities. Sayo Onukun, leader of National Revolutionary Vanguard (NRV), Okitipupa, who has been deeply involved in the community’s struggle for restoration of power, tells the ICIR about the “crazy bill” brought by the BEDC.
“If they said our district owes that much, what about other districts in the state?” he asks. “This is a social injustice to our people because our people cannot be an exemption. Why is our own a senatorial billing? It has always been a house-to-house billing anywhere in the world”, he adds
Findings by the ICIR during a tour of the four local governments revealed that the indebtedness to the company is not up to half a billion naira. While bills from communities outside Ondo State were part of accumulated debts BEDC is asking the people of Ondo South Senatorial District to pay, residents allege that BEDC only gave them estimated bills without reading their metres.
“In my house, I was given a metre, but they didn’t bother to read the meter, they were billing on estimation, which is also criminal,” said Omoyele Oke, a driver. “We stay in darkness. There is no headway about the electricity and they are asking us to bring money. They said that is the only condition for us to have light.”
It was gathered that several coastal communities that have not had electricity for more than eight years were also billed up to 2015, forming part of the N1billion debt.
According to Solomon Bitire, a former Chairman of Okitipupa Local Government and current Chairman, Planning, Strategy and Implementation of Operation BringbackOurLight in the district, the actual indebtedness to the company is less than 20 percent of N1billion —N174billion.
“The state governor called a meeting between BEDC and stakeholders. At the meeting, BEDC said we owe N1billlion,” said Bitire, who was the Chairman in 2015 when Mimiko convened a meeting between the management of BEDC and people of the affected local governments.
“They said Okitipupa Local Government owes them N598million out of the N1billion. I told them that they have to convince us about how they arrived at that figure; the Governor asked them if they could do that and they said yes. After two weeks, they brought to my local government about 15 ‘Ghana Must Go bags’ of bills and billing history with a covering note. They said this is the money we owe.”
But the report of a committee set up by the local government, under the chairmanship of S. Aderehinwo, a former Marketing Director of the defunct NEPA, revealed that Okitipupa owed N113million rather than the N598million quoted by the company. Ese-Odo and Ode-Irele Local Governments owed N12 and N9million respectively, while Ilaje owed N40million.
Despite a meeting of stakeholders, which held at the headquarters of Nigerian Electricity Regulation Commission (NERC) in early July 2017, there is yet no respite for the District.
The outcome of the daylong meeting has not been made public, but the ICIR was told by one of the attendees that the commission had directed BEDC to reconnect the district to the power grid. The commission, it was learnt, gave the distribution company a two-week ultimatum to start the repair of all the damaged poles and other installations.
Vandalised transformers like this litter the district
“The management of NERC was very angry and directed that within two weeks of the meeting, BEDC should start repairing all the damaged poles and properties in our area. They also said within a month, they should reconnect us,” said a party to the meeting who did not want to be mentioned.
“They said they should go to Ondo and reconnect us. The third one is that the technical partners from NERC, BEDC and TCN would meet to discuss the technical issues affecting Omotosho Power Plant. They also asked TCN to fix a 133KVA in Omotosho whose only problem is circuit breaker.”
At the meeting, the BEDC was also said to be uncomfortable with the N174million that the people of Ondo South Senatorial District reduced the N1billion debt to. But NERC had directed the two parties to meet and discuss about the reconciliation of the debt.
When contacted for response, an official at the Media Department of the Commission confirmed that “there was an all-day meeting between the management of the Commission and BEDC and representatives of Ondo South Senatorial District”.
She however declined to speak on the details of the meeting and its outcome, insisting that “consultation on the matter” was still ongoing. “Besides, when we are ready to brief the media on the matter, we will invite the media,” she added.
Vivian Mbonu, Head of Media Department of NERC, who just returned from a break, said she had not been briefed on the matter.
Efforts to confirm from the management of BEDC were also unfruitful. Calls and SMS sent to the telephone number of the Ondo Branch Manager of the company, who led representatives of the company to the meeting, were not answered.
When she was called, the BEDC official whose name was simply given as Kunbi told the journalist to send his e-mail address with a promise to respond with steps taken by the company to resolve the problem. But as of the time of filing this report, she was yet to send the mail.
When someone intending to start a hotel business in Okitipupa called the Customer Care Unit of the company requesting for the possible date of restoration of electricity to the area, he was simply told that there is no time frame for his wish.
“We are working to resolve the matter but I cannot tell you the time frame when it will be finally resolved” a female voice said from the other end.
Protesters fired up by anti-establishment songs of Afrobeat musician Fela Anikulapo-Kuti on Monday demanded the resumption to duty or resignation of President Muhammadu Buhari.
Coincidentally, Fela was a vocal opponent of Muhammadu Buhari’s military government, which arrested him in 1984 over trumped-up charges.
“International Thief Thief!” Fela’s voice blared over the loud speakers mounted on open van while the protesters chorused “oppression, inflation, corruption,” as they marched energetically in the rain towards the presidential villa from the Unity Fountain, Abuja.
The protesters drew inspiration from Fela’s anti-establishment songs, which still represent the situation in the country after more than three decades after they were sung.
The protesters displayed a wide banner with the inscription “Resume or resign, Nigeria’s say enough is enough.”
Other placards had inscriptions such as “Our mumu don do,” “Buhari called for impeachment when Yar’ Adua was sick, now we are calling for the same” and “Buhari! Where are you? We are tired of being enslaved in our country.”
Visibly unhappy with the conduct of the affairs of the country, they said they had commenced a daily sit-out to demand the return or resignation of Buhari.
Monday made it exactly three months since Buhari embarked on a medical trip to London for treatment of an undisclosed illness.
The protest is led by Charles Oputa, AKA Charlie Boy. Other prominent faces of the action include Deji Adeyanju, former Director, New Media to the People’s Democratic Party (PDP); Adebayo Raphael, Publicity Secretary, OurMumuDonDo Movement; Ariyo-Dare Atoye, Convener, Coalition in Defence of Nigerian Democracy and Constitution; and John Danfulani of Concerned Nigerians.
They were stopped at the entrance of Presidential Villa by a team of police officers who used vehicles to block the road.
Atiku Abubakar, former Vice President, wants the country’s security authorities to be proactive in order to avert what could well be a repeat of the Rwandan Genocide, in Nigeria.
Atiku made the call in a statement on Monday, with which he condemned a song circulating in the north wishing the Igbo dead.
According to Atiku, developments like this are capable of triggering a bloody inter-ethnic conflict like the one that occurred in Rwanda in 1984 between the Hutus and the Tutsis, two majority ethnic groups in Rwanda.
The crisis led to the massacre of almost one million people.
“It has come to my attention that a song disparaging people of Igbo origin, and which wishes them dead, is circulating in some parts of the nation. I totally and unequivocally condemn this development, and I call on all men of goodwill to rise up against this evil,”. Atiku stated.
“This song is reminiscent of the beginnings of the Rwanda Genocide. Nigerians need to be aware that the Rwanda Genocide was believed to have been ignited by a song titled Nanga Abahutu (I hate Hutus), sung by Rwanda’s then most popular musician, Simon Bikindi. God forbid that we should have such a déjà vu in Nigeria.
“I call on the security agencies to thoroughly and decisively swing into action and apprehend, try, convict and severely punish those behind this ungodly song which incites racial hatred.”
Atiku recalled that Bikindi, whose song had triggered the inter-ethnic crisis in Rwanda, was eventually convicted by the International Criminal Tribunal. He therefore wants Nigeria’s security authorities to bring the producers of the said song to justice.
“Let those who think they can treat their fellow citizens so unjustly know that within and outside Nigeria exist mechanisms that will ensure they answer to their crimes,” he said.
“I call on all men of goodwill to remember those immortal lines from our former National Anthem ‘though tribe and tongue may differ, in brotherhood we stand’.
“The difference between us as Nigerians is not a difference in our tribe or our religion. It was and remains a difference based on whether we are good Nigerians or bad Nigerians, and I am very certain that the good Nigerians far outnumber the very few bad ones.”
Atiku also commiserated with families of victims of Sunday’s church attack at a Catholic Church in Ozubulu community, Anambra State.
Chuka Obiozor, a Justice of the Federal High Court, Lagos, has ordered the permanent forfeiture of a mansion in Banana Island, in Lagos State, belonging to Diezani Alison-Madueke, former Minister of Petroleum Resources.
This followed an interim forfeiture order issued by the same court a fortnight ago after the Economic Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) told the court that the property was the proceeds of corrupt activities.
Justice Obiozor also ordered permanent forfeiture of $2,740,197.96 and N84,537,840.70, being rents so far collected on the property.
The property, located at No 3, Block B, Bella Vista Plot 1, Zone N, Federal Government Layout, Banana Island Foreshore Estate, is said to have 24 apartments, 18 flats and six penthouses.
At the resumption of hearing on Monday, Anselem Ozioko, counsel to the EFCC, told the court that nobody had come forward to contest the interim forfeiture order placed on the property two weeks ago despite the fact that court papers were served on the respondents.
Delivering his ruling, the presiding judge said he had no option but to grant the orders as prayed by the EFCC.
“In the face of the publication, which I find in Exhibit B of the affidavit of compliance before me, and there being no responses from any interested party, I have no other option but to grant the orders as prayed,” he said.
According to the EFCC, $37.5 million cash was moved straight from Diezani’s house in Abuja and paid into the seller’s First Bank account in Abuja.
Respondents in the case include Afamefuna Nwokedi, a legal practitioner, and a company named Rusimpex.
The court first ordered the temporary forfeiture of the $37.5m estate on June 19, following an application by the EFCC alleging that the property was secured with siphoned public funds.
When Acting President Yemi Osinbajo announced the appointment of a new chairman and board of the Independent Corrupt Practices and other related offences Commission (ICPC), all eyes were supposed to be on two men: Ekpo Nta and Bolaji Owasanoye.
Nta, substantive ICPC Chairman since 2012, was apparently not the favourite of some powerful people in the presidency, and there seemed to be some hurry to show him the way out. His “removal” was rumoured many times; in one barefaced attempt by Nta’s detractors to cause confusion, a Vanguard journalist was led into believing that his sack had been approved by the presidency and he had in fact picked a date to deliver his valedictory address to staff of the commission. It was all a ruse. The journalist received a query from his bosses but managed to retain his job. That was in October 2016.
With the benefit of hindsight, that journalist must now be telling himself he didn’t get it wholly wrong. Nta’s appointment was scheduled to lapse in November; this is early August and he has been reassigned — although ‘demoted’ is the tempting word to use — to another agency: the National Salaries, Incomes and Wages Commission. Ever heard of that before?
Nta himself would not be surprised that a few power brokers were eager to see his back; it’s pretty much the story of anti-corruption warfare in Nigeria: corruption doesn’t stare at you when you fight it; it fights back, it bites. Those who know Nta well say it is hard, if not impossible, to find a splotch in his reputation. In addition, he will bow out quietly, with the same furtiveness with which he ran the office. Ordinarily, his redeployment ought to have thrust him into limelight one final time, but the public didn’t seem to notice him.
Neither do they seem to have taken adequate notice of Bolaji Owasanoye, the man poised to assume the office — unless the senate says no. The initial reaction to Owasanoye’s appointment was whether his undisputable academic brilliance would be enough to make him succeed on the job. He graduated from university at 21, became a Master’s degree holder at 24, became a professor at 38, but can we rate his moral presence and leadership competence that highly? That conversation was still gathering traction when the bad news spilled: two people appointed alongside Owasanoye to the ICPC board were of questionable character; the ICPC was in fact on the cusp of charging one of them to court!
The first, Maimuna Aliyu, is the subject of a longstanding case of abuse of office, misappropriation and diversion of public funds. A series of heavy petitions by Aso Savings and Loans Plc, where she was Executive Director, Marketing, accuse her, among many others, of converting to personal use a total of N58 million being proceeds of the sale of three plots of land belonging to Aso Savings; selling three plots of company land for N40 million each (instead of N19 million) and holding on to the N120million; refusal to pay a mortgaged facility of N40 million to purchase five houses — four-bedroom detached mansionettes — yet refusing to give them up; and illegally allocating a company house worth N210m to her son. Asides the ICPC, the Police and the EFCC had both indicted her.
The second, Sa’ad Alanamu, is believed to have been planted in ICPC by Senate President Bukola Saraki. He is being investigated for allegedly collecting bribes from contractors handling TETFUND contracts, which he approved as Chairman of the board of Kwara State College of Education, Ilorin.
These allegations, alongside the revelation that security check was not run on the appointees, have sparked public outrage against Osinbajo, some commentators already willing to withdraw all the plaudits they had accorded him in President Muhammadu Buhari’s absence. Osinbajo is a man of immense and uncommon wisdom, which is why it is easy to see why many are missing the basis of his latest appointments. He has recognised the failure of past efforts to fight corruption with anti-corruption. Examples abound.
Very soon, it will be a year since the senate first turned down a request from Buhari for the confirmation of Ibrahim Magu as substantive EFCC Chairman. There has been a second rejection also. Citing a DSS report containing contestable allegations, the senate claimed Magu was unfit for the job. The allegations against Magu are in order, because there’s not one EFCC Chairman who hasn’t been faced with allegations of corruption. While not all of the past chairmen are clean, the DSS allegations against Magu were further investigated and found to be petty and unsubstantiated.
Behind the scenes, even the senators know that Magu as EFCC Chairman is bad news for them. Magu’s reputation is that of a ruthless, soulless investigator; during Nuhu Ribadu’s tenure, during which Magu was famed for being EFCC’s “engine room”, past governors fretted if they found out they were to be grilled by him. Anyone but Magu was what they wanted. This is exactly why, as Dino Melaye admitted recently, anyone but Magu should be EFCC chairman.
Hameed Ali, Comptroller-General of the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS), is someone else in this government with a well-known aversion to corruption. Contrary to public knowledge, Ali’s uniform-or-no-uniform clash with the senate was not sparked by the seizure of an undervalued and improperly-cleared bulletproof Range Rover Sports Utility Vehicle (SUV) that was later found out to be owned by Saraki. The real spark was that Ali’s appointment as Customs CG marked the end of a number of business-as-usual importation practices; the beneficiaries — many of them highly-placed in this government — soon began plotting his ouster from the office. Ali may have not been removed, but he was thoroughly embarrassed by the uniform saga.
Embarrassments like Ali’s or legislature-executive face-offs like Magu’s are what Osinbajo was trying to avoid when he named Aliyu and Alanamu on the ICIPC board. Aliyu may still be innocent in the eyes of the law, but unlike Magu who was falsely accused of living in a house paid for by a corrupt associate of his, the allegations against her are truly weighty. It must count for something that three anti-corruption/security agencies all indicted her at separate times. Osinbajo must be wondering how someone like Aliyu, with her record of taking over company property, can sit on the board of ICPC without spotting similar abuse of office by other public officials. The more corrupt officials we have in agencies like ICPC and EFCC, the harder it is for corruption to escape notice. As popularly said in Yorubaland, the fish is sometimes safest when policed by a cat — there just can be no justification for disappearance!
In any case, Osinbajo is not the originator of the corruption-for-corruption theory. Look no further than the legislature, specifically the house of representatives, which entertained an ‘amnesty for treasury looters’ only last month.
Officially ‘A Bill For An Act To Establish A Scheme To Harness Untaxed Money for Investment Purposes And To Assure Any Declarant Regarding Inquiries And Proceedings Under Nigerian Laws And For Other Matters Connected Therewith’, it was first read in June and it scaled second reading in July.
Linus Okorie, sponsor of the bill, wants the law to “allow all Nigerians and residents who have any money or assets outside the system or have acquired such money or assets illegally (looted or any variant of the cliché) to come forward, within a set time-frame, to declare same, pay tax/surcharge and compulsorily invest the funds in any sector of the Nigerian economy; and be granted full amnesty from inquiry/prosecution”. To cut the long story short, the bill will shield looters of public funds from prosecution — on the one condition that they reinvest the loot in the economy. In Okorie’s mind, the bill seeks to use corruption to dissuade corruption. Intelligent thinking, isn’t it?
This is pretty much the summary of our anti-corruption campaign: corruption has become so entrenched in our system that the few incorruptible public servants will be drowned by the sheer might of the forces of corruption. It is clear that incorruptibility is in the minority and will never defeat the corruption in the majority. Therefore, the ingenious thing to do is to seek solutions for corruption by looking within corruption. Osinbajo has done just that with the ICPC board appointments. Rather than pillory and harangue him, we should applaud him. The more cats we can lure into exalted positions, the safer the fish!
The United Nations Security Council has approved tough new sanctions to punish North Korea for its escalating nuclear and missile programmes.
The ban is described by Nikki Haley, US Ambassador, as the single largest economic sanctions package ever levelled against the North Korean regime” and “the most stringent set of sanctions on any country in a generation”.
According to ABC news, the sanction includes a ban on coal and other exports worth over $1 billion — a huge bite in its total exports, valued at $3 billion last year. Neither oil nor new air restrictions are however included in the resolution.
But she warned that it is not enough and “we should not fool ourselves into thinking we have solved the problem — not even close”.
“The threat of an outlaw nuclearized North Korean dictatorship remains … (and) is rapidly growing more dangerous,” Haley told council members after the vote.
The US-drafted resolution, negotiated with North Korea’s neighbour and ally China, is aimed at increasing economic pressure on Pyongyang to return to negotiations on its nuclear and missile programs — a point stressed by all 15 council members in speeches after the vote.
President Donald Trump tweeted: “The United Nations Security Council just voted 15-0 to sanction North Korea. China and Russia voted with us. Very big financial impact!”
Rex Tillerson, US Secretary of State who was in Manila for talks with regional counterparts, called it “a good outcome.”
Wang Yi, China’s Foreign Minister, called for all sides in the nuclear dispute to return to negotiations and repeated Beijing’s proposal for a “double suspension,” or a halt to North Korean nuclear development and joint US-South Korean military exercises.
Haley told the Security Council that US-South Korean military exercises have been carried out regularly and openly for nearly 40 years and “they will continue”.
The Security Council has already imposed six rounds of sanctions that have failed to halt North Korea’s drive to improve its ballistic missile and nuclear weapons capabilities.
The resolution’s adoption follows North Korea’s first successful tests of intercontinental ballistic missiles capable of reaching the United States on July 3 and July 27.
It condemns the launches “in the strongest terms” and reiterates previous calls for North Korea to suspend all ballistic missile launches and abandon its nuclear weapons and nuclear program “in a complete, verifiable and irreversible manner”.
The centerpiece is a ban on North Korea exports of coal, iron, lead and seafood products — and a ban on all countries importing these products, estimated to be worth over $1 billion in hard currency.
According to a Security Council diplomat, coal has been North Korea’s largest export, earning $1.2 billion last year which was then restricted by the Security Council in November to a maximum $400 million. This year, Pyongyang was estimated to earn $251 million from iron and iron ore exports, $113 million from lead and lead ore exports, and $295 million from fish and seafood exports, the diplomat said.
The resolution also bans countries from giving any additional permits to North Korean laborers — another source of money for Kim Jong Un’s regime. And it prohibits all new joint ventures with North Korean companies and bans new foreign investment in existing ones.
It adds nine North Koreans, mainly officials or representatives of companies and banks, to the U.N. sanctions blacklist, banning their travel and freezing their assets. It also imposes an asset freeze on two companies and two banks.
The council diplomat, who was not authorized to speak publicly and insisted on anonymity, called the newly sanctioned Foreign Trade Bank “a very critical clearing house for foreign exchange.”
The Mansudae Overseas Project Group of Companies, which was also added to the blacklist, is described in the resolution as engaged in exporting workers for construction, including of monuments, in Africa and Southeast Asia.
The resolution asks the Security Council committee monitoring sanctions against North Korea to ban the import of many more so-called dual-use items, which have commercial purposes but can also be used in conventional, biological, chemical or nuclear weapons.
It also gives the committee a green light to designate specific vessels that are breaking sanctions from entering ports all over the world and to work with Interpol to enforce travel bans on North Koreans on the sanctions blacklist.
The resolution expresses regret at North Korea’s “massive diversion of its scarce resources toward its development of nuclear weapons and a number of expensive ballistic missile programs” — a point stressed by Haley.
It notes U.N findings that well over half the population lacks sufficient food and medical care, while a quarter suffers from chronic malnutrition.
“These sanctions will cut deep, and in doing so will give the North Korean leadership a taste of the deprivations they have chosen to inflict on the North Korean people,” Haley said. “Revenues aren’t going toward feeding its people. Instead, the North Korean regime is literally starving its people and enslaving them in mines and factories in order to fund these illegal missile programs.”
Though the economic sanctions have teeth, Washington didn’t get everything it wanted.
In early July, Haley told the Security Council that if it was united, the international community could cut off major sources of hard currency to North Korea, restrict oil to its military and weapons programs, increase air and maritime restrictions and hold senior officials accountable.
Its adoption follows Tillerson’s comments Wednesday reassuring North Korea that Washington is not seeking regime change or an accelerated reunification of the Korean Peninsula — comments welcomed by China’s foreign minister.
Vassily Nebenzia, Russia’s U.N. Ambassador said Moscow hopes Tillerson’s assurances “would be clear that the United States is not seeking to dismantle the existing … situation (in North Korea) or to force to reunite the country or militarily intervene in the country.”
Tillerson also said the United States wants to talk eventually with North Korea but thinks discussions would not be productive if Pyongyang comes with the intention of maintaining its nuclear weapons.
North Korea has repeatedly said it will never give up its nuclear arsenal, which it sees as a guarantee of its security.
The resolution reiterates language from previous ones supporting a return to six-party talks with the goal of denuclearizing the Korean Peninsula; expressing the Security Council’s commitment “to a peaceful, diplomatic and political solution to the situation”; and stressing the importance of maintaining peace and stability in northeast Asia.
Yemi Osinbajo, Acting President, has “stepped down” the nomination of Maimuna Aliyu and Sa’ad Alanamu to the board of the Independent Corrupt Practices and other offences Commission (ICPC).
The action follows an exclusive report by the ICIR that two of the 14 members announced to the ICPC board were being investigated by the anti-corruption agency for alleged corruption in the region of N1billion.
Announcing the withdrawal of the two nominees on Sunday, Laolu Akande, the VP’s spokesman, said the “ongoing investigation issues” of Aliyu and Alanamu with the commission “present a conflict”.
“We are stepping down 2 of the new ICPC board nominees who have ongoing investigation issues with the commission as this presents a conflict,” read the statement.
“While existence of allegations or petitions against someone should not necessarily disqualify them from considerations for appointments, this case presents a peculiarity as we have confirmed that the agency in which they are to serve is indeed investigating the two of them.
“A basic check showed no court convictions against them. But when weighty petitions come up, this administration will always do the right thing.”
Charges were already being prepared against Aliyu, a former Executive Director of the Aso Savings and Loans, by the ICPC in preparation to taking her to court when her name was announced as a member of the new board of the commission.
Apart from the ICPC investigation, the ICIR’s investigations showed that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Nigerian Police had investigated several corruption cases against her.
In May, a police investigative report indicted her and recommended her for prosecution, for “illegally converting to personal use”, a total of N58 million being proceeds of three plots of land belonging to her employers, Aso Savings and Loans.
Police investigations showed that as Executive Director, Marketing, Aliyu got approval to sell three of the bank’s landed properties in Abuja. The plots were offered for N19 million each. Aliyu is said to have sold the lands for N58 million but refused to hand over the money to the bank.
It was also alleged that Aliyu actually sold the three plots of land entrusted to her by the bank at N40 million each (instead of N19 million) totaling N120 million and held on to every penny.
Apart from the N120 million allegedly misappropriated by her, the bank also lodged several complaints of abuse of office and conversion or diversion of its funds, totaling nearly N1 billion.
The bank alleged that in 2012, Aliyu sought and got a mortgage facility of N40 million to purchase five houses – four-bedroom detached mansionettes. However, after she resigned her appointment in September 2013, the former Executive Director said she could no longer bear the burden of the payments and requested the bank to cancel the mortgage on four units and take them over. She said she would continue to maintain the mortgage contract on just one unit.
However, since 2013 when she left the bank, Aliyu has refused to hand over the four houses and has not serviced the mortgage on them. In fact, investigators believe that she has since sold the units and pocketed the money.
The bank also alleged that Aliyu abused her office by illegally allocating a house at Aso Groove Estate to her son, Sand Aliyu. According to the bank, Aliyu had showed interest in buying the house for her son in the name of a company in which he is a director. However, because she had all the keys of the houses put up for sale by the bank since she was in charge of marketing and sales, Aliyu handed over the key to the house to her son without paying a dime for the house worth N210 million. She still has not paid for the house till date and her son continues to live there.
In the case of Alanamu, a protégé Olusola Saraki,late politician and father of Senate President Bukola Saraki, it is feared in some circles that his new godfather, the younger Saraki, is planting him in ICPC.
Alanamu is being investigated by the ICPC for corruption and bribery. He allegedly collected bribes from contractors handling TETFUND contracts, which he approved as Chairman of the Board of Kwara State College of Education, Ilorin.
As exclusively reported by the ICIR, both candidates made the board in the first place because the federal government announced their nomination without running security checks on them.