EKITI State Governor Biodun Oyebanji faces challengers from 10 political parties in the June 20, 2026, governorship election. Observers say it is a contest poised to test political strength, governance record, and voter sentiment across the state.
The election, one of Nigeria’s off-cycle governorship contests, will see the incumbent governor seek a second four-year term on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC), with his deputy, Monisade Afuye, retained as his running mate.
Party primaries for the election were conducted between October 20 and November 10, 2025, with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) subsequently publishing provisional and final candidate lists ahead of the poll.
The election umpire had earlier confirmed 12 political parties and their candidates for the poll, but Joseph Anifowose, a businessman and politician who initially emerged as the governorship candidate of the Allied Peoples Movement (APM), withdrew from the race. He subsequently endorsed the incumbent governor, citing his achievements in governance, infrastructure and social services.
However, a striking development ahead of the election is the absence of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), traditionally one of the dominant political forces in Ekiti politics. INEC’s final list excluded PDP candidate Wole Oluyede following unresolved leadership disputes and legal battles within the party at the national level. The Social Democratic Party (SDP) was also left off the final ballot.
Political observers say the omission of the PDP has fundamentally altered the dynamics of the contest, potentially benefiting the ruling APC while creating opportunities for smaller opposition parties to attract dissatisfied voters.
Here is a profile of the candidates, highlighting their backgrounds, political experience and campaign priorities. Together, they represent a broad mix of political experience, professional backgrounds, and educational qualifications.
Biodun Oyebanji (APC)
Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji, born on December 21, 1967, is a politician and public administrator from Ikogosi-Ekiti. He studied Political Science at the Ekiti State University and later obtained a Master’s degree in Political Science from the University of Ibadan.
He served as Chief of Staff and Secretary to the State Government under former Governor Kayode Fayemi and has occupied several strategic positions in the state administration.
Oyebanji was elected governor in 2022 on the platform of the APC. His administration claims to have prioritised infrastructure development, agriculture, healthcare, education and rural development.
He is seeking the governorship re-election in the 2026 poll.
Opeyemi Falegan (Accord)
Opeyemi Falegan is a businessman and politician known for his involvement in entrepreneurship, community development and grassroots political mobilisation.
He emerged as the Accord Party’s governorship candidate and is campaigning on economic growth, youth employment, healthcare improvement, educational development and welfare programmes for pensioners and vulnerable citizens.
He is contesting the 2026 governorship election under the Accord Party platform.
Oyebanji Ikusayedegbe Olajuyin (Labour Party)
Oyebanji Olajuyin, a medical doctor, academic and politician, is from Ikere-Ekiti.
A professor, Olajuyin, built a distinguished career in medicine, healthcare administration, medical research and academia, earning recognition for his contributions to healthcare delivery and medical education.
The Labour Party candidate is campaigning on healthcare reform, education improvement, transparent governance and human capital development.
Oluwadare Patrick Bejide (ADC)
Oluwadare Bejide is a diplomat, public servant and politician with extensive experience in public administration.
He emerged as the African Democratic Congress (ADC) governorship candidate and is advocating infrastructure development, public-sector reforms, agricultural expansion, job creation and improved welfare for civil servants.
Ayodeji Ojo (ADP)
Ayodeji Ojo is a politician and former chairman of the Action Democratic Party (ADP) in Ekiti State. Having spent several years within the party structure, he emerged as ADP’s gubernatorial candidate for the 2026 election.
Akande Oluwasegun Samuel (AAC)
Akande Samuel is the governorship candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC). The INEC record shows that at 36 years, Samuel is among the youngest candidates in the race. His candidacy reflects the AAC’s emphasis on youth inclusion and alternative governance.
Akande Oluwasegun, AAC
Bidemi Olaiya Awogbemi (APP)
Bidemi Awogbemi is the governorship candidate of the Action People’s Party (APP). Listed by INEC as 36 years old, he is among the younger contenders in the election. His running mate is Akinyemi Adewumi.
Awogbemi’s candidacy forms part of the growing effort by smaller political parties to challenge the dominance of the larger parties in Ekiti politics.
Abegunde Ayobami Blessing (NNPP)
Abegunde Blessing is an entrepreneur, youth leader and politician from Isinbode-Ekiti. He emerged as the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) candidate after other aspirants stepped down in his favour during the party’s primary.
His campaign focuses on youth empowerment, job creation, education, healthcare reform, agriculture, transparency and digital innovation.
Olaniyi Olanrewaju Ayodele (PRP)
Olaniyi Olanrewaju Ayodele, 49, is the governorship candidate of the People’s Redemption Party (PRP).
He is contesting on the platform of a party that traces its ideological roots to the progressive political tradition associated with the late Aminu Kano.
Olaniyi Ayodele PRP
Owoola Daramola (YPP)
Owoola Daramola is the governorship candidate of the Young Progressives Party (YPP). At 54 years old, he is among the older candidates in the race and represents the YPP’s effort to position itself as an alternative to the state’s dominant political parties.
Victor Damilola Adetunji (ZLP)
Victor Adetunji is the governorship candidate of the Zenith Labour Party (ZLP). According to INEC’s record, he is 38 years old and belongs to a younger generation of politicians seeking public office in Ekiti State.
MILLIONS of Nigerians increasingly relied on borrowed airtime and mobile credit in 2025, with telecom-linked lending surging to an estimated N4.61 trillion.
The development highlights how economic hardship is pushing consumers to depend on debt for basic communication.
Punch reported that new financial statements released by fintech company Optasia showed that mobile subscribers across Nigeria and other emerging markets received airtime advances worth $3.18 billion in 2025, up from $2.83 billion in 2024. Africa accounted for more than 94 per cent of the transactions, making the continent the company’s largest market.
The figures underscore the growing dependence of millions of underbanked consumers on small-value digital loans at a time when inflation and declining purchasing power continue to squeeze household incomes.
Optasia, which partners with telecom operators to provide airtime and nano-loans, said its platform uses subscribers’ behaviour and credit history to determine eligibility for advances.
Beyond airtime borrowing, the company’s Mobile Financial Services segment facilitated nano-loans worth $2.3 billion in 2025, more than double the $967.9 million recorded the previous year.
Although Optasia did not disclose country-by-country lending volumes, its financial statements suggest Nigeria remains one of its most important markets. The company maintains two wholly owned Nigerian subsidiaries, Nairtime Nigeria Limited and Xtra MFS Nigeria Limited and reported net naira exposure of N19.37 billion at the end of 2025.
Nigeria’s importance to the group was further reflected in the sharp rise in trade receivables linked to its operations. Gross trade receivables from Nigeria rose by 103.6 per cent to $7.73 million in 2025 from $3.8 million a year earlier, one of the strongest increases across its markets.
The expansion of digital lending translated into stronger earnings for the company, revenue rose by 75.5 per cent to $265.36 million, while profit after tax increased to $43.13 million.
However, the rapid growth in lending also brought increased risks because Optasia’s provisions for expected credit losses nearly doubled to $65.21 million, indicating rising defaults associated with airtime advances and nano-loan products.
The growth comes amid an ongoing regulatory battle over Nigeria’s airtime credit market.
Reports had claimed that the Federal Government was considering opening the sector to indigenous fintech firms after concerns that Optasia had maintained dominance of the market for more than a decade.
According to the reports, regulators argued that broader participation would encourage competition, strengthen local content and reduce capital flight.
But the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission Director of Corporate Affairs, Ondaje Ijagwu, denied claims that it recommended nine companies for approval or played any role in granting operating licences.
The controversy began in April after MTN, Airtel, Glo and T2mobile suspended airtime credit services following an FCCPC directive seeking compliance with the Digital, Electronic, Online or Non-traditional Consumer Lending Regulations.
The regulations classified airtime credit as a form of consumer lending, triggering a dispute with the Nigerian Communications Commission over regulatory oversight.
Although services have since resumed, the matter remains before the Federal High Court in Lagos, with the substantive case scheduled for hearing on July 20, 2026.
THE Federal Government, on Monday, began another batch of mass trial of suspected terrorists charged with terrorism-related offences in Abuja.
The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that the trial, which usually takes place at Kainji in Niger, was moved to the Federal High Court (FHC) in Abuja.
The prosecution of the defendants is being led by the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF), Lateef Fagbemi, a senior advocate, while the Director-General, Legal Aid Council, Aliyu Abubakar, led the team of lawyers for the defence.
The trial, taking place in all the courtrooms in the FHC, is expected to last for one week.
Some of the trial judges are Binta Nyako, Emeka Nwite, Musa Liman, James Omotosho, Obiora Egwuatu, Ekerete Akpan, among others.
No fewer than 58 suspected terrorists were listed for trial on Monday before Nwite.
They are Abba Bukar, Abba Manye, Gujja Mala Bukar, Brem Gonimi, Isa Mohammed, Lawali Dashiri Danke, Yau Tukur (Mai-Auduga), Bello Liman, aka Alhaji Bell Doctor, among others.
Meanwhile, almost all other matters scheduled for today at the court had been rescheduled for the mass trial.
Security has been beefed up in and around the Central Business District and the Abuja Federal High Court.
All roads leading to the court were blocked by armed security personnel.
NAN reports that 500 suspected terrorists were also tried between April 7 and April 10 at the FHC in Abuja.
The AGF, Mr Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, leading the Federal Government’s team of awyers to the Federal High Court on Monday in Abuja.
Addressing newsmen, Fagbemi said the 500 suspects were being prosecuted in the Phase 9 of the mass trial in Abuja.
The AGF cited logistics reasons for the transfer of the cases to Abuja from Kainji.
“Whether the cases are tried in Kainji or Maiduguri, those to try terrorism suspects are judges of the Federal High Court.
“It is more convenient here; we have more courtrooms and facilities. We have 10 judges at a time, you know what it means. It means a lot,” Fagbemi said. (NAN)
THE Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu University (COOU), Igbariam, Anambra, has dismissed four lecturers over alleged sexual abuse, harassment, intimidation, extortion and other forms of misconduct.
The university’s Public Relations Officer, Harrison Madubueze, a doctorate holder, disclosed this in a statement on Sunday in Awka.
Madubueze said the decision was taken at the 122nd meeting of the Governing Council held on June 12.
According to him, those dismissed include C.C. Nwabachili, a professor and immediate past Dean of the Faculty of Law, and another professor, Chike Osegbue of the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences.
Others are I.H. Iheukwumere, a doctorate holder, and Emeka Nwabunnia, both of the Department of Microbiology, Faculty of Natural Sciences, Uli Campus.
Also dismissed was Ifeoma Kakulu, a Principal Assistant Registrar, who served as the Examination Officer of the Faculty of Law in the Examinations Unit, at the time the offences were allegedly committed.
Madubueze said the affected staff members were found culpable of offences ranging from sexual abuse and harassment to intimidation, extortion and ethical misconduct.
He said the council reaffirmed its commitment to discipline, integrity and accountability within the institution.
“The council reaffirmed its stance on discipline and integrity, warning that actions tarnishing the university’s reputation would face severe consequences.
“It also promised to ensure a safe, accountable and forward-thinking atmosphere, aligning with the vision of building a new university for the future,” he said.
The university spokesman said the disciplinary action underscored the institution’s resolve to uphold ethical standards and maintain public confidence in its academic and administrative processes.
THE Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has filed a lawsuit against the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) “over its failure to account for approximately ₦5.9 billion reportedly spent on the incorporation, transition, and rebranding of NNPC into NNPCL.”
The NNPC reportedly paid N2.9 billion for incorporation expenses from petroleum product proceeds, while the National Petroleum Investment Management Services (NAPIMS) also charged N2.9 billion to crude oil revenue for the same purpose, bringing the total amount spent on the rebranding of NNPC to NNPCL to ₦5.9 billion.
In the suit number FHC/ABJ/CS/1248/2026, filed last week at the Federal High Court in Abuja, SERAP is seeking “an order of mandamus to direct and compel the NNPCL to account for about ₦5.9 billion allegedly spent on the rebranding of the NNPC to the NNPCL.”
SERAP is asking the court to “direct and compel the NNPCL to provide a comprehensive reconciliation statement detailing the specific financial transactions relating to the ₦5.9 billion expenditure, including the identities of the contractors involved, and how the funds were utilised for the rebranding of NNPC to NNPCL.”
SERAP is also asking the court to direct and compel the NNPCL to disclose the names and official positions of the government officials who authorised and approved the release and expenditure of the ₦5.9 billion reportedly spent on the rebranding of NNPC to NNPCL, and to clarify whether the expenditure complied with applicable procurement laws and due-process requirements.
In the suit, SERAP argues that there is a legitimate public interest in the disclosure of the details sought. The NNPCL has a legal responsibility to explain whether the ₦5.9 billion expenditure represents value for money, constitutes lawful spending of public funds, and complies with applicable due process requirements.”
The organisation notes that there ought to be full transparency and accountability regarding the reported ₦5.9 billion spent on rebranding NNPC to NNPCL, adding that Nigerians have the right to know who approved the expenditure, who received the funds, the nature of the services rendered, and whether due process and procurement requirements were strictly followed.
According to SERAP, the disclosure of the identities of the officials involved and the processes followed in approving the expenditure would enable the public to assess whether the expenditure was properly authorised, represented value for money, and was undertaken in accordance with due process and procurement requirements.”
“Given the size of the reported expenditure and the importance of transparency in the management of public resources within the petroleum sector, there is an urgent need for a prompt, thorough, and transparent disclosure of the details surrounding the spending of the funds.”
The suit filed on behalf of SERAP by its lawyers, Oluwakemi Agunbiade, Kehinde Oyewumi, and Andrew Nwankwo, says the alleged spending of the ₦5.9 billion suggests a grave violation of the public trust and the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution 1999 [as amended], national anticorruption laws, and the country’s international anticorruption obligations.
“The failure to account for the spending of the ₦5.9 billion on rebranding from NNPC to NNPCL reflects a failure of NNPCL accountability more generally and is directly linked to the institution’s continuing failure to uphold transparency and accountability principles.
“The refusal or failure of the NNPCL to provide a detailed account of the expenditure undermines the right of access to information concerning the management of public resources. Senate Committee on Public Accounts reportedly raised serious concerns regarding the expenditure of the ₦5.9 billion described as incorporation and transition expenses allegedly incurred during the process of transforming the NNPC into the NNPCL,” SERAP notes further.
The suit insists that the Senate committee described the spending of the ₦5.9 billion as excessive, unjustifiable, and deserving of further explanation, investigation, and legislative scrutiny in the public interest.
The transformation of the national oil company from the NNPC into the NNPCL followed the enactment of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021, which required the corporation to become a commercially oriented limited liability company fully owned by the federal government.
According to SERAP, Section 13 of the Nigerian Constitution 1999 [as amended] requires all public institutions including the NNPCL to conform to and apply the provisions of Chapter II of the Constitution, while Section 15(5) mandates the public institutions to abolish all corrupt practices and abuse of power.
Besides, Section 16 of the Constitution requires the public institutions to ensure that the material resources of the nation are harnessed and distributed as best as possible to serve the common good.
The organisation also explains Articles 5 and 9 of the UN Convention against Corruption require Nigeria to ensure transparency and proper management of public funds.
As of the time of filing this report, no date has been fixed for the hearing of the suit.
TWO drones suspected to have been launched by Hezbollah militant group from Lebanon struck an Israeli military zone in northern Israel on Sunday, June 14.
The attacks caused no casualties but Israeli ministers have demanded immediate retaliatory strikes on Beirut.
The Israeli military confirmed that the aerial targets crossed the border and exploded in the Western Galilee area.
“Two impacts of suspicious aerial targets in Israeli territory were identified near the Israel-Lebanon border. No injuries were reported,” the military said.
The drone incursions occurred amid regional friction, following Israeli military evacuation orders for over 20 locations in southern Lebanon ahead of planned army raids.
In the wake of the strikes, two far-right ministers of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s cabinet demanded retaliatory strikes on Beirut’s southern suburbs, a Hezbollah stronghold known as Dahiyeh.
Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich urged the prime minister to enforce a destructive military precedent against the Lebanese capital.
“The shooting at northern communities is a test of the Dahiyeh Doctrine that the prime minister declared. I call on him to implement it decisively and firmly, and to bring down buildings in Dahiyeh,” Smotrich wrote on X.
Also, the National Security Minister, Itamar Gvir, called for immediate military escalation on X.
“For every drone — a missile; for every violation — fire; for every UAV — Dahiyeh must tremble,” Ben Gvir wrote.
Israeli officials have previously warned that any sustained targeting of northern Israeli communities by the Iran-backed Hezbollah group would result in strikes on Dahiyeh, a position they said had the backing of Washington.
Blood plays a critical role in childbirth, surgery, trauma care and the treatment of chronic illnesses. But experts say Nigeria’s blood supply system remains underfunded, poorly coordinated and heavily dependent on family replacement donors. As the world marks the 2026 World Blood Donor Day, stakeholders call for urgent reforms to address shortages and improve access.
After delivering her baby through a caesarean section at an Abuja-based hospital in 2025, Blessing (second name withheld) was discharged in stable condition. Two weeks later, she developed severe anaemia, with her packed cell volume dropping to 12.
Although Blessing had initially secured a donor and a pint of blood in case complications arose during childbirth, she was told upon returning to the hospital that she would need to either buy blood or find another donor.
When she asked what had happened to the blood she had earlier secured, the hospital informed her that it had been used on another patient. As her condition worsened, an attending doctor eventually donated his blood, an act she said saved her life before the hospital later sourced another unit.
“Doctor Davidson rolled up his sleeves and donated blood for me… If he hadn’t, maybe I wouldn’t be here today,” she recalled.
Blessing’s experience reflects a wider pattern across Nigeria’s health system, where access to blood often depends on family efforts, informal networks, or last-minute interventions rather than a reliable national supply.
Across hospitals, patients such as pregnant women, accident victims and people living with sickle cell disease are frequently asked to provide replacement donors before treatment, even in emergencies. In some cases, families search outside hospital gates or rely on informal arrangements to secure blood.
While Blessing was fortunate to get an emergency donation from the attending doctor, many others have not been so lucky.
Low voluntary donation and heavy reliance on emergencies
Reports show that Nigeria still falls far below the recommended level of voluntary blood donation needed to meet national demand.
The World Health Organisation said an adequate and reliable supply of safe blood depends on a stable base of regular, voluntary, unpaid donors, who are considered the safest source of blood. Health experts estimate that countries generally need regular donations from about 1–2 per cent of their population to meet demand. For Nigeria, this would translate to roughly two million regular donors, yet the country continues to grapple with blood shortages and unequal access to safe blood
Despite the life-saving importance of transfusion in surgeries, childbirth, trauma care and cancer treatment, blood availability in many Nigerian hospitals remains inconsistent. According to the National Blood Service Agency (NBSA), Nigeria currently meets only about 25 to 30 per cent of its estimated annual blood requirement, which is put at between 1.8 and 2 million units.
The Director-General of the NBSA, Saleh Yuguda, said in 2025 that the country records an annual collection of roughly 500,000 units of blood, most of which comes from family replacement donors and paid donors. He noted that this figure remains significantly below national demand.
He further explained that only about 17 to 20 percent of blood collected in Nigeria comes from voluntary, non-remunerated donors—the group the World Health Organisation identifies as the safest and most reliable source of blood.
“No will, no system,” expert warns of structural failure
Speaking on the 2026 World Blood Donor Day, a Nigerian medical laboratory scientist and blood donation advocate, Oluwamuyiwa Ogunkoya, described the country’s voluntary blood donation system as “abysmal,” warning that patients continue to suffer due to systemic gaps rather than lack of need.
Nigerian medical laboratory scientist and blood donation advocate Oluwamuyiwa Ogunkoya
“There is no will, no structure, no system and no culture for voluntary blood donation in Nigeria,” he said.
Observed every June 14, World Blood Donor Day honours voluntary, unpaid blood donors and highlights the importance of safe blood in saving lives. This year’s theme, “One Drop of Humanity. Give Blood. Save Lives,” emphasises solidarity and shared responsibility in ensuring access to safe blood.
Speaking further, Ogunkoya explained that although Nigeria has legal frameworks such as the National Health Act (2014) and the Blood Transfusion Act, enforcement is weak, and funding remains far below what is required.
He noted that while reforms would require about $15 million, the national blood agency has reportedly received only a fraction of that.
Ogunkoya, who is also the Co-founder of Bloodlines Foundation, highlighted the lack of donor centres, mobile collection units and proper recruitment systems, saying many Nigerians travel long distances to donate or access blood.
He added that most donations occur only during emergencies done by relatives, with no system for repeat or voluntary participation.
“There is also no recruitment system, no retention strategy. People donate once, usually for family emergencies, and that is the end of it,” he said.
Informal networks and urgent call for reform
Oluwamuyiwa Ogunkoya further raised concerns about informal and commercial blood arrangements that persist in parts of the country despite laws prohibiting the sale of blood.
He said desperate families are sometimes forced into replacement donor arrangements or linked to paid donors through informal intermediaries around hospitals.
While noting improvements in some states, such as Lagos, he said enforcement remains inconsistent nationwide, adding that misconceptions are not the main barrier to donation, but rather weak systems and a lack of political commitment.
The medical laboratory scientist called for stronger political will, increased funding, and a shift towards building a culture of voluntary donation through schools, youth service programmes, workplaces and community mobilisation.
On his part, Ayobami Bakare, Program Manager for Haima Health Initiative Nigeria, an initiative that facilitates access to safe blood and blood products in different blood banks, said Nigeria’s blood shortage is not only a supply problem but a failure of coordination and information management.
Bakare said there are instances when blood is available within a city. Still, because a hospital operates in isolation, it becomes difficult to know where units are located or how they can be redistributed during emergencies.
“Blood shortage in Nigeria is dependent on a lot of factors because there are instances where the blood is available, and Hospital A has particular blood units in particular blood groups, and Hospital B, which is down the road, doesn’t know,” he said.
Building a national blood database and strengthening coordination
Bakare said one of the most effective ways to address blood shortages in Nigeria is the creation of a centralised national blood database to connect public and private hospitals across the country.
He said such a system would allow health authorities and hospitals to know where blood is available and what blood groups are in stock. He said that where shortages exist, the enabling facilities could share resources during emergencies.
Bakare explained that many shortages are not necessarily caused by a complete absence of blood but by poor coordination and a lack of information on existing supplies.
“If we have a whole system where we know how much blood is available in Abuja today and where they are located, if Hospital B needs B positive, they can swap with Hospital A,” he said.
He proposed that every unit of blood collected and used in Nigeria should be logged into a central database, creating a real-time picture of national blood availability. But beyond technology, Bakare stressed that success would depend on sustained government investment and political commitment.
“It’s not about practical steps; mainly, it’s more of political will. Like, are they willing to do the work?” he queried, adding that blood availability should be treated as a national healthcare priority, requiring adequate funding for specialised equipment, storage facilities, reagents, donor recruitment and monitoring systems.
According to him, a coordinated national blood system would not only improve access to safe blood but also reduce the dependence on emergency family donations and informal donor networks that many patients currently rely on.
For decades, the narrow wooden walkways of Makoko have carried the hopes, struggles, and livelihoods of thousands of residents living along Lagos waterfront. But after recent demolitions in Makoko, Oko-Agbon, and Sogunro communities, many now face a difficult choice. They must either abandon the fishing settlements where their families have lived and worked for generations or resist relocation to a proposed housing estate in Agbowa, Epe.
‘We’re not leaving our ancestral home’
Like many of the affected individuals, Wabi Jarado insists that he and his family aren’t relocating. “When they evicted us, we had nowhere to stay,” he lamented, “We lost our house, and many of our belongings. The place they’re planning to relocate us to is not acceptable to us,” he insists. “Makoko is where we belong. This is where we will stay, from beginning to end. We can’t abandon Makoko.”
Jarado maintains his defiance. “We do not want to go far from here. This community, Makoko, is where we want to remain. We are fishermen; we earn our living by catching fish. We are not thieves, and we do not steal. We can’t leave this community… We need everyone’s support so that we can continue to live among you. If we are forced out, it means we may have to return to Benin, which we do not want,” he said.
In a press statement on April 15, 2025, jointly signed by designated members of the Makoko community, including traditional leaders, youth representatives, and religious figures, the waterfront community rejected plans by the Lagos state government to relocate them from their ancestral homes, insisting instead on being included in the United Nations-backed urban development project.
They stated: “Despite our demands being clearly set out – a stop to the demolition, immediate humanitarian assistance and emergency shelter for the displaced, and the rebuilding of illegally demolished homes – none of these things has transpired. Not even the most modest form of palliatives.”
Proposed relocation to Agbowa
Amid growing tension over the forced eviction of waterfront communities, the Lagos State House of Assembly has recommended relocating affected residents to a proposed low-cost housing estate in Agbowa, Epe. The recommendation followed the adoption of a report by the House Committee on Rules and Business during plenary on Tuesday, March 10, after lawmakers received a petition titled, ‘Urgent Appeal Regarding Ongoing Mass Forced Eviction and Illegal Demolition Threatening Tens of Thousands in Makoko, Oko-Agbon and Sogunro Communities.’
However, for many residents, relocation is not simply about moving homes; it means abandoning their livelihoods, the fishing economy, and their way of life tied to the Lagos Lagoon. As demolitions spread across the waterfront communities, residents insist they would rather remain in Makoko than relocate inland to Agbowa, which they fear would cut them off from the water that sustains them.
Demolition day: How thousands were displaced
It was just after midday on Tuesday, December 23, 2025, when the quiet rhythm of life in Makoko was broken. Around 12:30 p.m., amphibious excavators pushed through the narrow waterways as they advanced into the community. Armed police officers escorted them, moving in formation as the machines bore down on rows of wooden homes balanced on stilts above the water. One after another, the structures gave way, shacks that had stood for years crushed beneath metal and force.
Life in Makoko – Photo by Ehime Alex
The community says the operation affected an estimated 30,000 people before it stopped after protests. Residents later learned it aimed to enforce a 30-metre safety setback from a high-tension power line across Makoko, Oko Agbon, Sogunro, and the Third Mainland Bridge. But the clearance area, they say, was extended to cover more than ten times that length.
What began as a targeted enforcement of safety setbacks has escalated into a humanitarian crisis, putting one of Lagos’s most vital informal economic systems at risk. The community’s aquatic economy, driven by fishing, boat-making, and informal trade, is now caught between state-led urban renewal and residents’ struggle to preserve their ancestral livelihood.
A fishing community fighting to stay afloat
Long before the demolition, Isaac Dosugan’s days followed a familiar rhythm: going out to fish, returning to sustain his household, and continuing a way of life passed down through generations. At over 75 years old, his life has been shaped by the water. “I’ve been a fisherman from the beginning until today,” he says. “Makoko is my town, my community.”
Beyond fishing, Dosugan is one of the elders of Makoko, but that sense of stability was shattered. “I had a house on the water, and it was destroyed,” he recounts. “All my fishing nets were destroyed… my house and all my property.”
What happened to Dosugan was repeated across the settlement. “About 852 houses were destroyed,” according to him, adding that canoes, essential tools of trade, were not spared. “Every house has a boat. Many people couldn’t remove their boats, which were broken and destroyed,” noting that the human cost, however, weighs more heavily. “We lost about 12 people,” he says quietly. “One was a five-day-old baby who died immediately from tear gas.”
Makeshifts built after the demolition – Photo by Ehime Alex.png
Lamenting, Christiana Bababatan says, “I lost everything again in the Makoko demolition,” then her voice breaks into the deepest loss of all: “I even lost my child. Now, I’m left with nothing.” She recalled that everything she had lost had been gathered after suffering an earlier loss from the demolition of Otodo Gbame, a predominantly Egun fishing community on the shores of the Lagos Lagoon in Lekki, which was demolished between November 2016 and April 2017, leading to the displacement of over a thousand residents.
For Bababatan, the story isn’t just about displacement. “How can you remove fish from water?” she asks rhetorically. “We are like fish; we can’t leave the water. That’s where we feed our families, where we eat, and where we live.” Like many others, her position is firm: “We are not going to Agbowa. We want our land back. We are still on our land. We want it back.”
Why residents say Agbowa isn’t an option
For Ade Oluwatobi, Vice Chairman of the Fishermen Association of Makoko, popularly known as Baale Jeje, Makoko is a way of life shaped by water, work, and tradition. “Makoko people lived on the water because we were fishermen. We couldn’t stay on land,” he says, explaining that residents settled on the water to stay close to fishing routes and tides.
“This water connection has continued to define our daily life and livelihoods,” he says, adding that, “we have more than 4,000 houses, and almost everyone is a fisherman. We work as a team. After fishing, everyone sells their catch and provides for their family.”
Over time, this collective effort has grown into a major supply chain, as Baale Jeje notes that “Makoko supplies about 90 per cent of fish to the state and even beyond Nigeria. If you want fresh fish, Makoko is the best place.”
For him, any attempt to relocate residents inland threatens not just shelter, but an entire economic and cultural system. “Relocation would destroy our way of life,” he says, stressing that their fishing knowledge “is tied to this environment.”
Homeless after widespread displacement
Honfo Ela, 40, says the demolition has left many families homeless. “Since they demolished our community, people have been suffering. We have no place to sleep; we are homeless.” With eight children to care for, the strain has become overwhelming.
“We are worried and sad, we are living a restless life, like dead people. They evicted us without informing us, and now we don’t know where we are being relocated to. When the government talked about resettlement, we were not okay with those places. They should allow us to stay in Makoko,” she said.
Insisting that Makoko is their inheritance, Ela laments, “The Makoko community belongs to our elders. They can’t take Makoko away from us; that’s impossible. Our children do not have food to eat. This is not proper. Someone gave my children money, and that’s what we are using to feed ourselves.”
They now sleep in canoes and on the Third Mainland Bridge – Photo by Ehime Alex.png
At 30, Basira Jarado finds herself forced into the open with her children after the demolition. “We have no other place to stay. We are outside with our children, filled with worry. We are exposed to the sun, and when it rains, we are also affected.”
Abetigo Adogba, 60, says his life as a fisherman was disrupted when the demolition began. “They demolished our homes while we were there with our children,” he said. “They did not inform us beforehand. They took away our houses, and now we have nowhere to stay. We are suffering. The rain beats us, and the sun scorches us,” Resisting the relocation move, he says: “They said they would take us to Agbowa, but we won’t accept that place. If we go there, what work will we do? We are fishermen, and this is where we do our work.”
Fear of eviction deepens across the waterfront
For Solomon Shepherd Wesu, Makoko has been home since birth. “I was born and raised in Makoko. The land we are living on wasn’t bought from anyone… it was given freely to us by the Baales,” he said. He said the residents had used their own resources to develop the area. “We created this land through our labour. We bought sand with our own money.”
For Wesu, demolitions of houses under the power lines may be lawful, but he fears the wider eviction plan. “They want to take away Makoko, where our fathers lived. I’ve grown old here. My children were born and raised here.” What troubles him most is the motive he perceives behind the eviction. “It feels like they want to demolish our homes for the benefit of rich people, so that we will end up serving them,” he fears.
The threat of displacement has also left Gosu Ezinsu demoralised. “We have nowhere else to go. We are the owners of Makoko, and all our belongings are here.” For him, relocation isn’t an option. “They said we are being moved to Agbowa, but we can’t stay there. We want to remain in Makoko. We are fishermen.”
Livelihoods destroyed
Often described as a waterfront slum, Makoko is also a thriving economic system that sustains families and connects directly to the wider Lagos economy. Set along the Lagos Lagoon, Makoko runs on what has been described as an “aquatic economy.” Fishing, logging, and boat-making form the backbone of daily life, turning the water into both a workplace and a marketplace.
But the economy does not end on the water. Furniture makers, shoemakers, welders, caterers, and food sellers operate within the settlement, serving both residents and nearby communities. Makoko also supplies labour and services to the broader Lagos metropolitan area, linking the informal settlement to the formal city economy.
Before the demolition, economic life in Makoko had been relatively stable, with income levels varying sharply, depending on occupation. But since the demolition, many livelihoods have collapsed.
Razaq Adosu, a tailor, now tends to what remains of his livelihood under the open sun. “They scattered all the shops here in Makoko. Look at my shop, I’m under the sun with my apprentice,” he says. “I don’t have any other place to work. Whenever I try to find another spot, they say there is no space,” he says. “I’m under the sun with no food to eat.”
For Agemo Atiatan, Makoko is the centre of his craft. “This is where we carry out our business,” he says. “Since they came and destroyed parts of Makoko, business hasn’t been moving well.” A boat maker, Atiatan says, the losses have cut deep into his livelihood. “When they demolished this place, both our homes and materials were scattered. The woods we used for building boats were missing, and even the new boats we had parked by the waterfront could not be found. We lost many boats.”
Agemo Atiatan, one of the boat builders – Photo by Ehime Alex
“Some cost ₦200,000 for smaller sizes, others ₦500,000, ₦1,000,000, and even up to ₦5,000,000… This is our livelihood, but the demolition has continued to affect us deeply,” he laments. Atiatan had tried moving to Agbowa and other places, but could not survive there. “Now, we sleep outside because we have no homes. We sometimes sleep inside the boats.”
Schools, clinics and community structures left in ruins
Many parents said their children stopped going to school after the demolition because they no longer have the money to send them back. Ayinde Rodrick Oluwatosin, founder of Potential Children School, says the demolition swept through schools, clinics, churches, and shops built by residents.
Potential Children School building affected by the demolition – Photo by Ehime Alex
“Lagos State Government officials pulled down houses, schools, clinics, churches, and shops without proper notice,” stressing that “there was no warning, no time given to pack or evacuate.” The result, he says, has been a sharp decline in access to education and healthcare, with his school’s population dropping from over 360 pupils to about 120.
Residents also attempted to quantify their losses through a self-organised enumeration process, as Oluwatosin says they counted about 562 houses in Makoko alone before the exercise was halted. “Other nearby communities like Oko-Agbon and Sogunro also recorded hundreds of demolished houses,” estimating that “nearly 2,000 houses across three communities were affected.”
Questions trail UN-backed Makoko dev’t plan
Amid the crisis, Oluwatosin pointed to earlier engagement with international development partners as evidence that Makoko was already on a path toward improvement, not displacement. He recalled facilitating visits by the UN Deputy Secretary-General, Amina Mohammed, in 2020 and 2021.
“We later heard that about $8 million was allocated through the United Nations for the development of Makoko, with an additional $2 million from the state government,” he says, emphasising that the combined $10 million “was meant to improve the community—not displace its residents.”
While the government has since floated a Makoko Water City project, findings by this reporter show that the residents remain wary of any plan that prioritises relocation over development.
Rights groups raise concerns over forced relocation
Megan Chapman, co-executive director of Justice and Empowerment Initiatives (JEI), describes the demolition in Makoko as “very heartbreaking,” noting that many residents have been left homeless and scattered. “People are really suffering, and they will continue to suffer because what they have lost, no one is helping them rebuild,” she says.
She argues that repeated evictions across Lagos are damaging the wider economy. “To go from that to living under the bridge… the losses are not just for the family but for society,” she says. Citing recent cases such as Ilaje-Otumara and Precious Seed communities, Chapman says thousands have been displaced despite prior engagement with the government.
She contrasts this with recommendations for in-situ upgrading, where communities are improved rather than destroyed. “The communities are ready to work with the government,” she says, “but instead, people are being evicted in violation of the law.”
On the proposed relocation of Makoko residents, Chapman believes the plan is unrealistic. “How can you take over 80,000 people and move them to a place that’s a fraction of their current land, with nothing built?” she asks.
Livelihood in Makoko – Photo by Ehime Alex
Lagos gov’t defends demolition, stays silent on key questions
Reacting to criticism over the demolition and proposed eviction, the Lagos State government defended that the demolitions were a safety and environmental measure.
The Special Adviser to the Governor on eGIS and Urban Development, Olajide Babatunde, in an official statement, said the exercise aligns with similar enforcement across the state. “Clearing high-tension corridors is a safety requirement across Lagos State,” he said, linking the exercise to a long-term Makoko waterfront redevelopment plan, with about $2 million committed since 2021.
However, the Lagos State Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Gbenga Omotoso, did not respond to inquiries seeking clarification on compensation plans, funding commitments, and how the demolitions align with the project’s stated objectives. Follow-up phone calls also went unanswered.
Similarly, efforts to obtain clarification from the UN were unsuccessful. After contacting Stéphane Dujarric, spokesperson for the UN Secretary-General, via email, he referred the inquiries to the Lagos office. The reporter subsequently contacted Adeola Margaret Adedeji, Public Information Assistant at the UN Information Centre in Nigeria, seeking details on the UN’s role in the Makoko Water City project, including its status, safeguards against displacement, and community engagement efforts. Despite repeated follow-ups through email, WhatsApp messages, and phone calls, no response was received.
Experts warn of economic fallout if relocation fails
Clearing Makoko without a structured plan is not urban renewal, but the disruption of a functioning economic system, says Felix Ijeh, an economist, researcher, and policy analyst. Currently lecturing at the Department of Economics, Faculty of Management and Social Sciences, Adeyemi Federal University of Education, Ondo, Ijeh explains that the immediate impact is a collapse in daily income from fishing, trade, and related services that could result in millions of naira in lost turnover and a contraction of Lagos’ informal economy.
“You are creating sudden unemployment with no safety nets,” Ijeh explains, warning that this deepens urban poverty and strains the labour market. He also points to the destruction of informal capital, boats, tools, and trade networks, describing it as “equivalent to wiping out SMEs overnight.”
Ijeh maintains that the government must move away from a “clear first, think later” approach and ensure any relocation preserves livelihoods. Otherwise, he warns, such demolitions will continue to create more economic problems than they solve.
A COALITION of civil society organisations has warned that Nigerians’ personal information remains vulnerable to abuse despite existing data protection laws.
In a statement titled “Protected From the State, Not By It: Nigeria’s Data Protection Crisis Is a Crisis of Implementation,” the group said Nigeria developed one of Africa’s largest digital identity databases but failed to adequately protect the information it collects.
The coalition, comprising Media Rights Agenda (MRA), Paradigm Initiative (PIN), Digital Rights Lawyers Initiative (DRLI), Accountability Lab Nigeria, PROMAD Foundation, DigiCivic Initiative and others.noted that the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) had enrolled more than 121 million Nigerians as of June 2025, while the country also operates under the Nigeria Data Protection Act (NDPA) 2023 and a dedicated Nigeria Data Protection Commission (NDPC).
However, the organisations argued that these safeguards failed to translate into meaningful protection for citizens.
According to the group, recent incidents involving alleged unauthorised access to sensitive government databases have exposed weaknesses in oversight and accountability mechanisms.
They cited reports surrounding the disclosure of voter registration information from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) database and investigations that uncovered the online sale of sensitive identity records, including National Identification Numbers (NINs), for as little as ₦100.
“When the regulator’s own data is not safe, no citizen’s data is. A government that cannot protect its citizens’ data should, at minimum, be cautious about how aggressively it collects and deploys it. Nigeria has done the opposite. Under the NDPA, data controllers are required to undergo compliance audits filed with the NDPC, an obligation enforced against private entities even as public institutions, the largest holders of citizens’ data, face no comparable scrutiny,” the coalition stated.
The organisations also expressed concern about the expansion of state surveillance programmes, arguing that Nigeria lacked a comprehensive legal framework governing public surveillance systems.
They said existing laws did not clearly define the limits of surveillance, provide independent oversight, or require human rights impact assessments before such systems are deployed.
The coalition further criticised the continued use of provisions of the Cybercrimes Act against journalists, bloggers and social media users, despite a 2022 judgment by the ECOWAS Court of Justice declaring aspects of Section 24 of the law arbitrary and repressive.
According to the group, Nigeria’s data governance system currently places citizens in a vulnerable position where personal information is aggressively collected but inadequately protected.
“This is the asymmetry at the heart of the crisis: citizens are under-protected from data abuse and over-exposed to state monitoring and punishment,” the CSOs said.
They called on the Federal Government to strengthen enforcement of the Nigeria Data Protection Act, ensure public institutions are subjected to the same compliance requirements as private organisations, and publish the findings of investigations into alleged breaches involving government databases.
The coalition also urged authorities to establish an independent oversight framework for surveillance systems, amend Section 24 of the Cybercrimes Act, in line with the ECOWAS Court ruling, and strengthen accountability mechanisms across public institutions handling citizens’ data.
It warned that public trust in digital governance would continue to erode unless citizens are assured that their personal data is protected from misuse, unauthorised access and unlawful surveillance.
FORMER spokesperson of the Nigerian Army, Rabe Abubakar, a retired major general, has been laid to rest in Katsina State after dying in bandits’ custody.
The burial, conducted in accordance with Islamic rites, on Saturday evening, was attended by family members, senior military officers, government officials and residents.
While the fate of his wife, abducted with him by terrorists, remains unclear, the Presidency, in a statement on Saturday, said she had yet to be freed..
President Bola Tinubu condoled with the deceased’s family, the Katsina State Government, and the Armed Forces of Nigeria.
Tinubu said the government would not bow to demands by terrorists for the release of their members in exchange for hostages.
He described Abubakar’s death as a defining moment in Nigeria’s battle against terrorism and insurgency, stressing that terrorists should continue to be treated as enemies of the state.
The retired general was abducted alongside his wife by armed bandits while travelling to his hometown in Katsina State.
The ICIR reports that the Katsina State Government confirmed the death of the retired general, saying he died from complications arising from diabetes and hypertension while being held by his abductors.
In a statement issued earlier on Saturday, the state Commissioner for Internal Security and Home Affairs, Nasiru Mu’azu, said Abubakar died despite sustained efforts by the state government and security agencies to secure his release.
The commissioner conveyed the condolences of Governor Dikko Radda to the deceased’s family, describing the incident as a dark moment in the state’s battle against insecurity.
Reacting to the development, the Defence Headquarters (DHQ) expressed sorrow over the death and reaffirmed the military’s commitment to eradicating terrorism and banditry across the country.
In a statement signed by the Director of Defence Information, Samaila Uba, a major general, the Armed Forces described Abubakar as an officer who served the nation with distinction and made significant contributions to counter-insurgency operations, professional military development and national unity.
The military disclosed that it deliberately refrained from making public comments on his abduction to avoid jeopardising ongoing rescue efforts by security agencies.
“The Defence Headquarters withheld public comment on his abduction in deference to ongoing rescue efforts by the Armed Forces of Nigeria and sister security agencies. Every operational resource was deployed in the hope of securing his safe return,” the statement said.
The DHQ added that the tragedy had strengthened the resolve of the military to intensify operations against terrorist and criminal networks, assuring Nigerians that security forces would not relent until those responsible were brought to justice.