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The illusion of a single party by Eric Teniola

Editorial
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The illusion of a single party by Eric Teniola

By Eric TENIOLA

A persistent fear in Nigerian politics is the emergence of a single-party system or a sole presidential candidate. Despite recurring anxieties, this outcome has never materialised. While recent party defections may suggest an invincible ruling party, Nigeria’s political history is defined by unexpected twists. Shattered dreams and surprise elements are inherent in our national life.

The surprise element is unavoidable. Unexpected events are an inescapable part of life and strategy. To illustrate this, I will cite three historical examples relating to three former leaders: Shehu Shagari (25 February 1925 – 28 December 2018),  Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (84), and Sani Abacha (20 September 1943 – 8 June 1998).

The 1979 elections and the myth of dominance

After the July 7, 1979 elections, in which  Shehu Shagari was declared President, the composition of the Senate was as follows

  • National Party of Nigeria (NPN): 36 seats
  • Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN): 28 seats
  • Nigerian People’s Party (NPP): 16 seats
  • Great Nigerian People’s Party (GNPP): 8 seats
  • People’s Redemption Party (PRP): 7 seats

NPN Senators (1979)

Those elected on the platform of the NPN included A.D. Rufai, Ibrahim Dimis, Ibrahim Jalo Waziri, Abdulkadir Yelwaji Saleh, Uba Ahmed, D.D. Dafinone, Andrew Abogede, J.S. Tarka, Suemo Chia, B. Ameh Ebute, Ahmadu Ali, Girigiri Lawan, Victor Akan, Donald Etiebet, Joseph Wayas, Iliya Audu, Abba Ali, Jacob Madawaki, Yusuf Ali, Isa Abonyi Obaro, Aliyu Mohamadu Gani, Abubakar Olusola Saraki, Abubakar Magaji, Jibrin Salihu, Ibrahim Kolo, Abdullahi Mangu, Garba Dada Paiko, O. Eberewariye, C.N. Nunieh, Amatari Zuofa, Atto Bugundu, Haruna Muza, Garuba Gada, Hassan Zuru, and Garba Kware.

UPN Senators (1979)

Those elected under the UPN included John Umolu, Emmanuel O. Akpata, Franklin O. Atake, Gayus Gilama, Justus Olu Olabode, Sikiru Shitta-Bey, Femi Ayantuga, Mudasiru A.O. Abiru, Abayomi Durosinmi, Adeyiga Ajayi, Ladega Daniel Adetola, Oyero Kunle, S.O. Sogbein, Jonathan Akinremi Odebiyi, Abraham Aderibigbe Adesanya, Emmanuel Kayode Ogunleye, Michael Onukun, David O. Oke, Ayo Fasanmi, Banji Akintoye, Ayoola Adeleke, Christopher Ilori, Ademola Adegoke, Christopher Adeoye, Olalere Adesina.

On a personal note, Ayoola Adeleke from Ede was the father of the current Osun State Governor,  Ademola Adeleke. He was the Vice Chairman of then Senate Committee on Labour. I will not forget his regular supply of bitter kola to me during his Senate years.

NPP, GNPP, and PRP senators

NPP Senators: Onyeabo Obi, Offia Nwali, B. C. Okwu, N. Nathaniel Anah, Isaiah N. Ani, Bardi Joe, Emeka P. Echeruo, Elijah E. Emezie, Jaja Nwachukwu, Tony Anyanwu, Simeon Ojukwu, Garba Matta, John Wash Pam, George Hookwap, Francis Ella, Obi Wali.

GNPP Senators: Idrisa Kadi, Bukar Sanda, Jafaru Manga, Umaru Lawan Bama, George Daniel, Joseph Ansa, Luka Zanyazing, Bitrus B. Kajal, Mahmud Waziri.

PRP Senators: Ibrahim Barau, Adamu Gaya, Ahmed Zakari, Hamisu Musa, Usman A. Dambata, Sabo B. Zuwo.

Governorship and House of Representatives results

In the 1979 gubernatorial elections, the following were elected on the platform of NPN. They were Tatari Ali (Bauchi), Shehu Kangiwa (Sokoto), Melford Okilo (Rivers), Anwal Ibrahim (Niger), Adamu Attah (Kwara), Clement Isong (Cross River), and Aper Aku (Benue).

As for the UPN, the following were elected as governors: Bisi Onabanjo (Ogun), Bola Ige (Oyo), Ambrose Alli (Bendel), Adekunle Ajasin (Ondo), and Lateef Jakande (Lagos).

For the NPP, there were three governors: Jim Nwobodo (Anambra), Solomon Lar (Plateau), and Sam Mbakwe (Imo).

For the GNPP, there were two governors: Abubakar Barde (Gongola) and Mohammed Goni (Borno).

For the PRP, there were two governors: Balarabe Musa (Kaduna) and Abubakar Rimi (Kano).

In the House of Representatives:

  • NPN: 168 seats
  • UPN: 111 seats
  • NPP: 79 seats
  • PRP: 47 seats
  • GNPP: 44 seats

Among those elected was  Sule Lamido (PRP), who represented Barnin Kudu in the then Kano state. On July 30, 1993, as National Secretary of SDP, he was one of those who signed the tripartite Committee document that created the Interim National Government.

Almost forty-six years later, he among others, is still around. Also still around is Tajudeen Olusi (89) UPN, who represented Lagos South in the House of Representatives. He is at present Chairman, Governance Advisory Council in Lagos state. Also still around is my friend, Peter Olayemi Obaoye, who represented Irepodun Constituency in Kwara State.

The 1983 shift and the rise of one-party fears

However, the game changed after the Presidential and Senatorial elections of August 20, 1983. The NPN increased its Senatorial seats to 60, thereby gaining 24 more seats, while the UPN reduced its own to 16, thereby losing 12 seats and the NPP lost 4 seats thereby reducing its seats to 12. As for the PRP, it lost 2 seats thereby reducing its seats to only 5 and the GNPP lost 6 senatorial seats.

In the House of Representatives election, the NPN gained 138 more seats thereby increasing its strength to 306, the UPN lost 60 seats thereby losing to only 51 seats while the NPP lost 30 seats reducing its strength to 48. As for the PRP, it lost 8 seats and reduced its strength to 41 while the GNPP lost all its 43 seats and had no seat at all.

In the gubernatorial election, the following were elected. As for UPN, Lagos state, Lateef Kayode Jakande, Kwara State,  Cornelius Olatunji Adebayo, Ogun state, Bisi Onabanjo and Ondo state, Michael Adekunle Ajasin.

Cornelius Adebayo, born February 24, 1941 died recently and was buried at Oke Onigbin in his hometown of Kwara State. He was a gentle man. I knew him in 1979 during his senate years and our friendship lasted till he died. I visited him last at his residence at Mabushi in Abuja. His death pained me. He became lonely after the death of his wife, Elizabeth Funmilayo Ibiwoye.

As for the NPN, the following were elected: Bamanga Tukur (Gongola), Tatari Alli (Bauchi), Aper Aku (Benue), Lawal Kaita (Kaduna), Christian Onoh (Anambra), Omololu Olunloyo (Oyo State), Melford Okilo (Rivers), Garuba Nadama (Sokoto), Muhammed Anwal Ibrahim (Niger), Donald Duke Etiebet (Cross River State), Samuel Ogbemudia (Bendel State), and Asheik Jarma (Borno State).

Under the PRP, Sabo Barkin Zuwo was elected in Kano State, while Samuel Mbakwe was elected in Imo State. Solomon Lar was elected on the NPP platform in Plateau State.

Thereafter, speculations became rife that Nigeria was heading for a one-party state. There were celebrations in the NPN camp. I remember visiting the house of Umaru Dikko, the then Minister of Transport, in Ikoyi, Lagos, along with my friend, Usman Muktar of the NTA. Dikko boasted at the time that very soon, “the NPN will swallow all other parties.”

Then came the morning of December 31, 1983, when the announcement by Sani Abacha (20 September 1943 – 8 June 1998) on that day terminated the attempt to establish a single-party system in the country. The military took over, and Muhammadu Buhari (17 December 1942 – 13 July 2025) never had a political programme until he was overthrown by Ibrahim Babangida (84) in August 1985.

The two-party experiment

Following the submission of the political bureau made up of S.J. Cookey, E. O. Awa, A. D. Yahaya, Haroun Adamu, Ibrahim Halilu, Pascal Bafyau, Oye Oyediran, Tunde Adeniran, Sam E. Oyovbaire, Bala Takaya, O.E. Uya, Sani Zaharadden, Hilda Adefarasin, R. Abdullahi, Ola Balogun, Edin Madunagu, and Abdullahi Augie, Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, on October 7, 1989, decreed two political parties for the country.

They were the:

a. Social Democratic Party (SDP)

b. and the National Republican Convention (NRC).

In an address to the nation, Ibrahim Babangida announced that the AFRC had accepted the principles of a grassroots democratic two-party system. He declared:

“It is our belief that the system shall:
(a) provide a grassroots basis for the emergence of political parties;
(b) establish a grassroots or mass platform for the emergence of new leadership;
(c) give equal rights and opportunities to all Nigerians to participate in the political process irrespective of their wealth, religion, geo-political backgrounds, and professional endeavours;
(d) de-emphasise the role of money in politics;
(e) reduce, to a minimum level, the element of violence in our electoral process;
(f) preclude the emergence of political alliances along the same lines as in the First Republic and, therefore, give Nigerians a new political structure within which to operate;
(g) ensure the emergence of a new, more dedicated and more genuine leadership cadre, which will not be a mere proxy for old political warlords;
(h) chart a new pattern of political recruitment and participation which will enhance Nigeria’s stability;
(i) establish strong institutional structures which not only sustain future governments, but also are strong enough to stand the test of time; and
(j) establish a political system that will be operated according to the spirit and letter of the Constitution of the Federal Republic.”

In his speech to the nation, Ibrahim Babangida further declared that: “the two political parties shall be funded by the Federal Military Government. No financial contributions by any individuals or groups to party treasury shall be permitted at this stage.

NEC shall clearly specify the mechanism for fundraising by political parties at a later stage in the transition programme. Our decision to build political offices can now settle down to these buildings and conduct their respective business. They will be spared the ‘hostage politics’ of the past whereby people loaned out premises to a political party and used that fact to access influence and patronage.

All accounts of each party shall be audited before and after the first elections by external auditors appointed by NEC … at local, state, and national levels of the two political parties. The AFRC strongly believes that our financial contribution to the parties at this stage is a vital investment in the future political stability of our nation.

Party conventions shall be held after the registration exercise. Such conventions shall be held at the ward, local government, state, and finally, at the national levels in that order. The conventions shall
(a) elect officers of the party at relevant levels;
(b) discuss and suggest to NEC for onward transmission to the AFRC any amendments to the draft constitutions and manifestos;
(c) establish modalities for fundraising within the NEC guidelines on fiscal contributions to political parties; and
(d) establish strategies for campaigns within NEC guidelines.”

In his address at the Armed Forces dinner of 1990, Ibrahim Babangida said that “our political target is to ensure that we disengage in 1992, by which time we would have, at least, established the groundwork for a successful take-off of a new political order that will provide justice, equality, and social upliftment for the generality of Nigerians. The political system we are trying to create is one that has been worked in Nigeria by Nigerians for Nigerians.”

Termination of two-party system

The same Ibrahim Babangida terminated the presidential election of June 12, 1993. The annulment put an end to the experiment of having a two-party system in Nigeria. The setting up of the Interim National Government in 1993 finally nailed the coffin on the two-party structure.

If you invite ten Nigerians to a social event, the possibility is that all ten will wear different kinds of dresses. That sums up who we really are. Nigerians are people with different backgrounds, interests, and contradictions, and this extends to the political system.

1993 palace coup

Sani Abacha seized power in a palace coup in November 1993. Under Abacha, the main decision-making organ was exclusively the military Provisional Ruling Council, which ruled by decree. The 32-member Federal Executive Council was composed of military officers and civilians. Pending the promulgation of the constitution written by the Constitution Conference in 1995 and subsequently approved by the Head of State, the government observed some provisions of the 1979 and 1989 Constitutions. The decree suspending the 1979 Constitution was not repealed, and the 1989 Constitution was not implemented. In 1995, Abacha announced a transition timetable designed to return the country to a democratically elected civilian government by October 1, 1998.

The government continued to enforce its arbitrary authority through the Federal Security System—the military, the state security service, and the national police—and through decrees blocking action by the opposition in the courts. All branches of the security forces committed serious human rights abuses.

Throughout his tenure, Abacha’s government relied regularly on arbitrary detention and harassment to silence critics. The winner of the annulled 1993 presidential election, Moshood Kashimawo Abiola, remained in detention on charges of treason, and unidentified persons murdered Abiola’s wife, Kudirat, under mysterious circumstances.

In September 1996, 39 people were reported dead in the northern cities of Kaduna and Zaria after police attempted to break up demonstrations protesting the detention of Ibrahim Al-Zakzaky.

Joseph Kporok, a 30-year-old Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) activist, was arrested after a dispute with his mother-in-law over land. Once in custody at the Rivers State internal security task force headquarters, he was interrogated about his MOSOP affiliation and beaten. He was then transferred to state police headquarters in Port Harcourt, where he died. Kenneth Nwokoye, aged 26, was beaten to death by uniformed officers who arrested him after raiding his house.

Suliat Adedeji, an outspoken politician and businesswoman, was beaten and shot by armed men who invaded her home in Ibadan. Despite demands for ransom, nothing was taken. Alex Ibru, publisher of The Guardian, was shot and permanently injured by gunmen.

The 1979 Constitution and the 1989 Constitution prohibit torture and mistreatment of prisoners and provide criminal sanctions for such excesses. The Evidence Act of 1960 prohibits the introduction of evidence obtained through torture. Nevertheless, detainees frequently died in custody, and there were credible reports that police routinely tortured suspects to extract confessions. Authorities tortured Chris Anyanwu while in detention and beat Bunmi Aborishade when he was arrested.

Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida
Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida

During this period, Emmanuel Bolanle Gbonigi of the Akure Anglican Diocese consistently spoke out against abuses of power. Bagaudu Kaltho of Tell Magazine was abducted by unknown persons and has never been seen again.

Early in the Abacha regime, Olagunsoye Oyinlola formed the Lagos State Environmental Task Force. Under his supervision, the task force used brutal force against street traders and residents. The government largely failed to acknowledge or punish these abuses. Later, Buba Marwa acknowledged that abuses had occurred and pledged to curb them.

Several detainees were released ahead of a Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group meeting. Tunji Abayomi was held from July 1995 until June; Fred Eno from August 1994 to June; and Abdul Oroh from July 1995 to June. Ayo Opadokun was released on June 25, 1996, rearrested the next day, and held until November 2. Expectations of reform were not fulfilled, as arbitrary arrests continued, including those of Fred Fasehun and Olabiyi Durojaiye.

Several leading labour and prodemocracy activists who were arrested in 1993 remained in detention, ncluding M.K.O. Abiola and Frank Kokori, General Secretary of the National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG). Security forces arrested Milton Dabibi, who was General Secretary of the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association (PENGASSAN) before the government dissolved the executive structure of the union and installed a sole administrator.

By1997 and 1998, M.K.O. Abiola remained in prison despite a November 1994 ruling by the Kaduna Federal Hight Ciourt of Appeal granting him bail on the condition that he would “not disturb the peace”.

File Photo: M.K.O Abiola
File Photo: M.K.O Abiola

In May 1995, eight Supreme Court justices, including a Chief Justice,  Mohammed Bello, withdrew from hearing the case because of a libel suit they had pending against Abiola’s Concord Press, effectively suspending hearings on Abiola’s appeal until new justices were named to the court. Abiola’s trial on treason charges remained suspended indefinitely on orders from the regime.

By 1997 and 1998, Abiola remained imprisoned despite a court ruling granting him bail. His treason trial remained indefinitely suspended.

here were no known instances of forced exile as a means of political control, although several NADECO members, including former Senator Bola Tinubu, retired Air Commodore Dan Suleiman, Nobel Laureate Professor Wole Soyinka, and elder statesman, and senior NADECO figure, Chief Anthony Enahoro live in self-imposed exile. Other activists such as Owens Wiwa, brother of executed minority rights activists Ken Saro-Wiwa, and his wife Diana joined them.

In practice tribunal proceeding often deny defendants due process as in the trial before the Ogoni Civil Disturbances Special Tribunal of Ken Saro Wiwa and others for their alleged roles in the killings of four prominent Ogoni politicians in May 1994. On October 31, 1995, the Tribunal announced guilty verdicts and death sentences for Saro-Wiwa and eight other activists.

The PRC “confirmed” this decision on November 8, 1995, and quickly executed all nine on November 10, 1995. In that case, the Government refused to comply with a tribunal order to produce a videotape recorded on May 22, 1994, with Rivers state governor, Lt. Colonel Dauda Komo, who proclaimed that Saro-Wiwa was “guilty of murder”. This led the 18-member defense team, led by Abdul-Ganiyu Fawehinmi SAN 22 April 1938 – 5 September 2009), to withdraw in protest. Included in the team were Femi Falana SAN (67) and Oronto Douglas (1966-2015).

In May 1997, the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) banned Ray Power, a private Lagos radio station, from transmitting British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) programmes.

Throughout 1997 and 1998, government security agents frequently harassed, arrested, and detained journalists. Four journalists convicted of involvement in an alleged 1995 coup plot remained in prison. The government detained without charge Nosa Igiebor, editor in chief of Tell Magazine. In March, the government briefly detained Emeka Omeihe, editor of the newspaper Daily Champion, and three top editorial staff of The Guardian over reports in their newspapers that the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) had ruled out sabotage in the presidential plane crash in January that killed Ibrahim Abacha, the Head of State’s son.

Others detained for shorter or longer periods, usually without charge, included Bunmi Aborishade, editor of the defunct weekly June 12; in May, George Onah, defence correspondent of the Vanguard newspaper; Tunji Adegboyega, editor of The Punch, for a front-page story relating to the arson attack on the home of one of the prominent NADECO members in self-exile; Kate Odigie-Oyegun, the general manager of the newspaper company that publishes The Observer, over a story that speculated about changes in the military following large-scale promotions to the rank of general; in August, Alphonsus Agborh, The Punch Port Harcourt correspondent, for a story concerning imported arms; and in September, Ola Awoniyi, Abuja bureau chief for The Nigerian Tribune, after reporting allegations of espionage and corruption in the Air Force.

Virtually all senior editors of the weeklies Tell, Dateline, The News (Bayo Onanuga and Femi Ojudu), Tempo, and the Daily A.M. News were subjected to surveillance and harassment by security agents. Security forces routinely seized entire runs of Tell magazine when cover stories offended the government. Agents harassed and intimidated vendors and printers to the point that in some parts of the country, Tell was no longer available. The seizures and intimidation caused great financial distress for Tell and were partially responsible for the weekly’s decision to discontinue publication of its sister magazine, Dateline.

Throughout 1997, the government routinely seized the passports of its critics, including those of Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP) Vice President Ledum Mitee, CLO President Ayo Obe, National Association of University Women President and African-American Institute program representative Clara Osinulu, lawyer Priscilla Kuye, United Nations hunger award recipient Bisi Ogunleye, and human rights activist, lawyer, and CLO co-founder Olisa Agbakoba.

In an attempt to install Abacha as the sole presidential candidate, Max Siollun is our guide.

The National Committee of Youth Associations (NACYAN) published pro-Abacha advertisements in several newspapers in 1998. They called for a “Two Million Man March” on March 3–4, 1998, a 48-hour carnival during which there would be “no school, no work, no sleep”. Daniel Kanu was the chairman of Youths Earnestly As for Abacha (YEAA). Kanu and YEAA threatened to go on a hunger strike and to make Nigeria “ungovernable” if Abacha did not agree to continue in power. Kanu said: “We will do whatever it takes to ensure Abacha continues”.

Despite claiming to be autonomous, NACYAN and YEAA seemed suspiciously well funded. They had a budget of N500 million for the Two Million Man March, managed to mobilise significant logistics, and procured government cooperation at every turn. When a coalition of civil society groups called the United Action for Democracy (UAD), led by the lawyer Olisa Agbakoba, organised an anti-government demonstration in Lagos, the Lagos State Commissioner of Police sternly reminded them that they did not have a permit for the demonstration. When the UAD proceeded with the demonstration anyway, the police fired tear gas at them, hit them with gun butts, broke up the demonstration, and arrested Olisa Agbakoba.

When demonstrators objected to the heavy-handed treatment, the police responded by firing more tear gas at them. Yet when NACYAN planned a pro-government rally in Abuja, the police promptly issued them with a permit. The Federal Road Safety Corps also promised to facilitate their rally by keeping the road clear. Civil servants were given time off work to enable them to attend the event. Despite a massive fuel shortage, the Managing Director of the Pipeline and Product Marketing Company, Aminu Suleima, said that petrol stations would open until midnight to ensure free movement of persons during the rally. The government also made police bomb disposal and helicopter surveillance units available for the events.

The rally itself was part political procession, part carnival, and featured pro-Abacha balloons and posters. Its organisers claimed that 3 million people attended, though opposition estimates were only 100,000. Prominent actors, actresses, and musicians attended and performed, while the political elite was also present, including the national chairmen of the five political parties and leading political figures such as Arisekola Alao, Sam Mbakwe, Uche Chukwumerije, Miatama Sule, and Evan Enwerem.

At the rally, Kanu read from a prepared script and described Abacha as “the best head of state” the country had ever had, saying, “We want you to continue…the children are calling. Please, against all odds, you must answer us”.

Kanu also subsequently appeared in a CNN television interview, where he demonstrated in-depth knowledge of government politics and reeled off statistics about government finances and economic achievements. He also criticised Abacha’s opponents, such as Wole Soyinka.

Five political parties were to contest the presidential election on August 1:

  • the Congress for National Consensus (CNC),
  • Democratic Party of Nigeria (DPN),
  • Grassroots Democratic Movement (GDM),
  • National Centre Party of Nigeria (NCPN),
  • and the United Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP).

Between April 6 and 9, 1998, the parties held conventions to choose their presidential candidates. Only the GDM allowed nominees other than Abacha, namely Muhammadu Dikko, M. D. Yusuf, and Tunji Braithwaite. The government took an unusual interest in the GDM’s convention. The GDM chairman, Gambo Lawan, was a close friend of Hamza Al-Mustapha. Lawan and Al-Mustapha flew together with members of the GDM’s national executive committee in the presidential jet to the party’s convention in Maiduguri.

Abacha presidential candidate for five political parties 

All five parties chose Sani Abacha as their presidential candidate, even though he was not a member of any of them. Some of the parties amended their constitutions to make Abacha eligible. Braithwaite walked out of the GDM’s convention in protest at the manipulation of the nomination process. A member of the UNCP claimed that the party was “being run from the [presidential] Villa” and that a Lt Gen., Jeremiah Useni was the anchor man.

NADECO member Bola Ige described the parties as “five fingers of the leprous hand” and announced that he had started the “Siddon Look Movement”. Rather than voting in a presidential election, it appeared Nigerians would instead vote yes or no in a referendum on an Abacha presidency. Abacha did not confirm or deny whether he would accept any party’s nomination.

In April 1998, a group of 18 northern politicians calling themselves the G18 (Group of 18) wrote an open letter to Abacha opposing his self-succession bid. The G18 included figures such as Adamu Ciroma, Solomon Lar, Sule Lamido, Balarabe Musa, Abubakar Rimi, and Ahmed Joda.

$308m Abacha loot
File Photo: Sani Abacha

Shortly after the G18’s letter, 14 politicians from the south-east under the leadership of Alex Ekwueme issued a statement opposing Abacha’s candidacy as a civilian president. The two groups coalesced to form the G34, also known as the Institute of Civil Society. Opposition to Abacha from northern and south-eastern wings of the G34 slightly eased the ethno-regional colouring of the crisis and demonstrated that NADECO was not the sole proprietor of the democracy struggle.

On June 8, 1998, Sani Abacha died at THE VILLA.

Nigeria’s political culture inherently resists monolithic control. Our diversity is profound—from Adamawa State with over 70 ethnic groups to relatively homogenous Ekiti. We are a nation of different backgrounds, interests, and contradictions.

The constitutional provision for a multi-party system reflects this reality. History shows that whenever a single party or candidate seems inevitable, a “surprise element”—whether military intervention, internal resistance, or unforeseen events—preserves pluralism.

Despite current defections, the survival of only one party by 2027 remains doubtful. Our strength, and our challenge, lie in our differences; no single political party can truly accommodate Nigeria’s contradictory interests.

Tax laws: FG struggles to convince Nigerians, as CISLAC cites trust deficit concerns

Harrison EDEH
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Tax laws: FG struggles to convince Nigerians, as CISLAC cites trust deficit concerns

DESPITE the commencement of their implementation since January 1, the Nigerian government is walking a tight rope trying to convince Nigerians on the tax laws because of trust deficits and lack of fiscal transparency in the administration of President Bola Tinubu. 

This was the view of the Executive Director of Civil Society Centre Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC), Auwal Musa Rafsanjani, while speaking with The ICIR on Tuesday, January 6.

He said the Tinubu government was facing a lot of backlashes because it failed the transparency test with subsidy removal savings.

Rafsanjani argued that efforts to reform the tax law gained cautious support from many Nigerians, noting, however, that “the legitimacy issues and controversies surrounding its alterations and reclassification have lowered the confidence of most Nigerians.

“There’s still a question of clarity and legitimacy in these laws, arising from the controversies spotted by the National Assembly, claiming that what was passed was not what was gazetted. These issues must be addressed properly for public trust despite the re-gazetting assurances from the legislature.

He added, “Many Nigerians are suspicious of the desperation that the government has shown in pushing for the tax laws. This is because many a times, government failed Nigerians with unfulfilled promises.”

Citing an example with poor transparency with petrol subsidy savings, he stressed that the government’s promise to better the lives of the people with subsidy savings remained largely elusive and unfulfilled.

“Two years after the subsidy removal, the large chunk of savings accrued from such savings has not translated to better healthcare, education, energy, water, sanitation and infrastructural development,” he said.

He explained that the absence of transparency and accountability in the fuel subsidy removal created room for doubt about the government’s tax reform laws and efficient utilisation of proceeds from the taxes.

He stressed the consequences of growing economic hardships, adding that “The government could face resistance as a result of backlash from the enforcement of the tax laws.”

According to Rafsanjani, the government needs revenue through taxes but should be able to build confidence through the effective use of taxes.

He suggested that the government could change the narrative of lack of public trust through “public disclosure of expenditures so that Nigerians can see the amount collected and what they are used for.”

The ICIR reports that the Nigerian tax reform laws have generated controversies, which revolve around allegations of discrepancies between the tax laws passed by the National Assembly and the versions gazetted by the Presidency.

Several pressure groups, such as the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), the Chartered Institute of Taxation of Nigeria (CITN) warned that such discrepancies could create legal uncertainty and heighten compliance risks for taxpayers, professionals, and investors.

A member of the House of Representatives, Abdulsamad Dasuki, had during a plenary session alleged discrepancies and alterations between tax laws passed by the National Assembly and the versions subsequently gazetted and made available to the public.

He said his legislative rights was breached because the content of the gazetted tax laws did not reflect what lawmakers debated and approved on the floor of the House.

As a result, many Nigerians have been furious that despite the concerns raised in several quarters about the law, the government insisted on its implementation, not minding possible compliance resistance.

 

 

Improved funding, security, other expected priorities for Nigerian education sector in 2026

Mustapha USMAN
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Improved funding, security, other expected priorities for Nigerian education sector in 2026

AS Nigeria steps into 2026, the need to devote more attention to education remains glaringly urgent for stakeholders, including all tiers of government and development partners.

President Bola Tinubu’s 2026 budget proposal earmarked N3.52 trillion for education, representing just 6.1 per cent of the total N58.18 trillion expenditure. While he insisted during his budget presentation that the move supported his Renewed Hope Agenda, experts argued that such allocation was insufficient to address the sector’s structural weaknesses and pressing needs.

This was also as the president made several promises during his campaign and post-election addresses to reform the education sector by augmenting its funding.

The ICIR reports that the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) benchmark recommends that at least 15 to 20 per cent of a national budget be directed toward education.

Going by the recommendations, a more adequate education budget for 2026 would have been between N8.7 trillion and N11.6 trillion, significantly higher than the allocated N3.52 trillion.

In an interview with The ICIR, Education policy analyst, Ishiaq Ishowo, noted that the chronic underfunding of tertiary institutions was compounded by inefficiencies in accessing allocated capital.

This concern is reflected in the Federal Government’s directive mandating all vice-chancellors, rectors, and provosts to publish detailed financial and operational data on their schools’ websites.

The Ministry of Education in April 2025 directive required schools to provide full breakdowns of personnel costs, overheads, capital expenditures, TETFund allocations, research grants, endowment funds, and student enrollment figures.

The ministry also emphasised that this information must be accessible, user-friendly, and publicly visible, with compliance to be verified through periodic reviews.

However, many of the institutions have yet to implement the directive as accessing such information on their websites still prove futile.

Recognising this problem, the Federal Government again, in November 2025, directed all vice-chancellors, rectors, and provosts to publish detailed financial and operational data on institutional websites through the Tertiary Institution Governance and Transparency Platform (FTIGTP).

The initiative, unveiled by the Education Minister, Tunji Alausa, similarly requires institutions to provide full breakdowns of personnel costs, overheads, capital expenditures, TETFund allocations, research grants, endowment funds, and student enrollment figures.

Ishowo, however, stressed that while funds are budgeted for infrastructure, laboratories, and institutional development, they often remain underutilised due to delays in disbursement and gaps in transparency.

“Year after year, funds are budgeted and provisions are made in the capital accounts, but the real question is: how accessible are these funds? What is the level of actual funding and cash backing for these budgets in our tertiary institutions?

“At the same time, accountability and transparency in these institutions are also in question. It is often difficult to access detailed information on their expenditures. Their websites are not transparent, and even the government struggles to gain insight into how these institutions spend their funds,” he said.

‘Funding is only part of the problem’

Beyond funding, welfare and infrastructure deficits remain critical as academic staff wages, allowances, and other stimulus packages often dominate policy discussions, according to Ishowo.

The ICIR reports that safety of students and teachers became one of the major issues of the Tinubu’s administration as attacks on schools and mass abductions of students became frequent towards the end of 2025.

Despite billions poured into the Safe Schools Initiative over the past decade, the attacks on school show how little protection many vulnerable schools actually have, according to analysts.

During The ICIR visit to Government Girls Comprehensive Secondary School Maga in Kebbi State, where 24 students were kidnapped in 2025, this organisation gathered that the response capacity of security officers was grossly ineffective as terrorists still moved in and out of the school for nearly two hours without meaningful resistance.

Sequel to the Kebbi abduction, terrorists in the early hours of Friday, November 21, stormed St. Mary’s Papiri Private Catholic Secondary School in the Papiri community of Agwara Local Government Area, Niger State, and abducted over 200 students and teachers.

These incidents, and the broader insecurity in and around schools, has left long-lasting   psychological scars, according to Ishowo, who said the Nigeria government must prioritise safety of schools and students in 2026.

Ishowo mentioned that many of the affected students might never return to their original schools.

He argued that schools should be treated as essential infrastructure, deserving protection at both national and subnational levels.

“A persistent problem in Nigeria remains infrastructural and welfare deficits in schools. Welfare issues, such as salary packages, allowances, and stimulus packages for academic staff—often dominate concerns. Beyond that, student safety is a major challenge. When students are abducted, the psychological trauma is severe. Some may never return to the classroom, while others may have to transfer schools entirely, “ he said, adding that “parents are also unlikely to send children back to institutions where such incidents occur, regardless of whether ransom was paid by the government or the victim’s family.

“Most schools in Nigeria lack basic security infrastructure, such as perimeter fencing. Many maintain outdated structures with no modern security planning. There is limited presence of civil defense or other security personnel crucial for safeguarding infrastructure and protecting students. Policymakers need to rethink school security at subnational and national levels, ensuring that schools are recognised as critical infrastructure that requires protection,” he added.

A national funding gap persists

The ICIR reports that the federal allocation of 6.1 per cent in the 2026 proposal for education continues a long-standing pattern of underinvestment despite recommendations of good budget by UNESCO and World Bank.

Nigeria remains well below the recommended thresholds, which has repeatedly been said to have limited the capacity of public schools to improve infrastructure, expand access, and provide quality education.

In 2025, the Federal Government allocated the same N3.52 trillion to the education sector. Although the allocation was the highest for the sector in the nation’s history, experts lamented that the sum was insufficient to tackle the industry’s challenges. They also argued that the fund was only big in number, not in value, given the depreciating value of the nation’s currency to the United States dollar.

Also in 2024, Tinubu allocated only N1.59 trillion of the N28.77 trillion national budget to the education sector.

Out of the allocation to the Education Ministry, N480 billion (N480,781,350,182) was budgeted for capital projects, constituting 30.3 per cent, and the overhead budget stood at 4.5 per cent, totalling N72.1 billion (N72,124,230,514). Meanwhile, personnel allocation was slightly over a trillion naira (N1,036,484,193,887), translating to 65.2 per cent of the ministry’s budget.

The ICIR reports that Tinubu’s appropriation for the sector in 2024 was more than what the late former President Muhammadu Buhari approved for the sector when he was in office. Between 2016 and 2019, under Buhari, education allocations fluctuated from N369.6 billion (7.9 per cent) in 2016 to N550.5 billion (7.4 per cent) in 2017. He subsequently allocated N605.8 billion (7.04 per cent) in 2018, and N620.5 billion (7.05 per cent) in 2019.

In 2020, the share dropped to N671.07 billion (6.7 per cent) and further declined to ₦742.5 billion (5.68  per cent) in 2021. The allocation rebounded in 2022 to ₦1.18 trillion (7.2 per cent), before reaching its highest percentage of 8.8 per cent in 2023.

Also, state-level budgets revealed a similar disparity. The ICIR analysis shows that in 2025, 17 states met or exceeded the UNESCO benchmark, including Enugu, Kano, Kaduna, Jigawa, and Oyo. Yet 19 states allocated less than 15 per cent, with Lagos, Akwa Ibom, and Edo spending below seven per cent despite their fiscal capacity.

ASUU strikes reflect deeper structural issues

Prolonged disputes between the government and the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) are among the factors that have crippled progress in the sector. Recall that on Monday, October 13, 2025, ASUU embarked on a two-week strike over alleged failure of government to implement the renegotiated agreement submitted since February.

Although the strike was abruptly suspended on October 22 by the union’s leadership after “useful engagements” with the Nigerian government, concerns remain over a possible fresh strike due to what the union described as the slow pace of government negotiations.

Meanwhile, education expert, Ishowo, stressed that without addressing these foundational issues, industrial actions would continue to disrupt academic calendars and frustrate students.

Ishowo argued that meaningful reforms, akin to past bold decisions in tax, subsidy, and student loan policies, were necessary to create sustainable change.

He added that engaging union bodies, ensuring transparent fund utilisation, and redefining institutional autonomy would strengthen universities while protecting students’ learning and wellbeing.

“In terms of solutions, the government can mitigate some of these challenges through deliberate engagement and political will. Bold reforms, similar to those implemented in tax, subsidy, student loans, and forex unification, can yield long-term benefits despite potential initial resistance. Engaging union bodies and taking decisive actions can strengthen the feasibility and performance of tertiary institutions.”

Gombe bans scrap metal business, cites rising security concerns

Nanji Nandang VENLEY
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Gombe bans scrap metal business, cites rising security concerns

THE Gombe State Government has announced an immediate statewide ban on scrap metal trading, popularly known as Bola Jari, citing its growing link to the vandalisation of public infrastructure and rising security concerns.

The decision was taken on Monday after an expanded meeting of the State Security Council, presided over by Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya, to review emerging security threats and recent incidents across the state.

“It observed that operators in the scrap business lack a coordinated structure, recognised leadership and an effective regulatory framework, making their activities difficult to monitor and control.

“In view of these developments, the council has, with immediate effect, banned all Bola Jari activities across the state,” the state Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Zubair Umar told journalists shortly after the meeting.

Umar said intelligence and security reports presented to the council showed that public facilities, especially school infrastructure were being systematically vandalised and sold to scrap dealers.

“This ban will remain in force until the dealers properly organise themselves under a recognised leadership, after which the government will designate a controlled operating centre under strict security supervision,” Umar said.

The move positions Gombe as one of the states in Nigeria to impose an outright ban on scrap metal trade on security grounds.

The ICIR reports that across the country, scrap metal trading has increasingly been linked to theft of critical public assets, including manhole covers, electricity installations, school equipment, railway materials and telecommunications components. 

In Abuja and several other cities, residents have repeatedly raised concerns over missing manhole covers, which have caused fatal accidents and exposed communities to further risks.

Recall that in December, the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps in Edo State announced plans to begin regulating scrap dealers from 2026, citing their role in the vandalism of critical national assets.

Beyond the scrap ban, the Gombe State Government announced tougher internal security measures, including mandatory profiling of new residents.

The government disclosed that all persons relocating to or renting accommodation in the state would be required to have their personal information properly documented to strengthen intelligence gathering and enable easier tracking by security agencies.

“Anyone coming into Gombe State to reside or rent accommodation must have their personal information properly documented. This will allow security agencies to access such information whenever the need arises,” said the attorney-general, adding that the measure was intended to curb criminal activities and enhance community security.

He explained that the council also addressed the long-standing farmer-herder conflict in the state, noting that an enforcement committee had been constituted to implement the White Paper on Grazing Reserves and Cattle Routes, which followed the recommendations of a committee earlier chaired by retired Assistant Inspector-General of Police, Zubairu Muazu.

 

Nigeria annihilate Mozambique 4-0 to reach AFCON quarterfinals

Mustapha USMAN
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Nigeria annihilate Mozambique 4-0 to reach AFCON quarterfinals

NIGERIA cruised into the quarterfinals of the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations with a commanding 4–0 victory over Mozambique Monday night at the Stade de Fès in Morocco.

The Super Eagles produced a dominant first-half display before sealing the contest early in the second half at the 75th minute.

Ademola Lookman opened the scoring in the 20th minute after a well-worked team move. Alex Iwobi threaded a precise through pass into space for Adams, who drove into the box and pulled back a fine cut-back that Lookman calmly finished beyond the Mozambican goalkeeper.

Nigeria doubled their advantage five minutes later, with Victor Osimhen getting on the scoresheet in the 25th minute. Adams again played a key role, providing the assist as Osimhen reacted quickest inside the box to slot home and put the Super Eagles firmly in control.

Osimhen struck again shortly after the restart, scoring his second of the night in the 47th minute to effectively put the tie beyond the reach of his opponents.

Nigeria completed the rout in the 75th minute after a perfectly weighted pass into space by Lookman, allowed Adams to apply a neat finish and cap a dominant individual performance.

Mozambique struggled to recover throughout the match. Despite brief spells of resistance, the Mambas were unable to create clear-cut chances against a disciplined Nigerian backline.

Eric Chelle’s side controlled the remainder of the contest, managing possession and limiting Mozambique to speculative efforts, as the Super Eagles comfortably saw out the game.

The win extended Nigeria’s unbeaten run in the tournament and maintained their perfect record against Mozambique at the Africa Cup of Nations, having also beaten them 4–0 in their only previous AFCON meeting in 2010.

Nigeria will now face either Algeria or DR Congo in the quarterfinals as they continue their quest for a fourth continental title.

Maduro, wife plead not guilty in US court

Nanji Nandang VENLEY
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Maduro, wife plead not guilty in US court

VENEZUELA’S deposed leader, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, who were taken into custody in the United States (US) pleaded not guilty on Monday to four criminal counts including narco-terrorism, cocaine importation conspiracy and possession of machine guns and destructive devices.

They were escorted by armed guards shortly after 7 a.m. (1200 GMT) from a Brooklyn detention facility to a helicopter that flew them to a federal court in Manhattan, where they were scheduled to appear for a midday hearing on drug-related charges.

US prosecutors allege that Maduro presided over a cocaine-trafficking network that collaborated with violent criminal groups, including Mexico’s Sinaloa and Zetas cartels, Colombia’s FARC rebels, and Venezuela’s Tren de Aragua gang.

Reuters quoted him as saying “I am innocent. I am not guilty. I am a decent man. I am still president of my country,” through an interpreter.

The United Nations was to debate the legality of United States President Donald Trump’s extraordinary operation that captured the accused and his wife as the court’s proceeding progressed.

However, the court adjourned after 30-minute hearing and scheduled the next session for March 17. 

The ICIR reported on January 3 that Trump said American forces carried out what he described as a “large-scale strike” in Venezuela, while led to Maduro and his wife’s arrest. The couple was immediately flown to the US.

The 63-year-old leader has consistently denied the allegations levelled against him, describing them as a pretext for imperialist ambitions targeting Venezuela’s oil resources.

The operation marks the largest US intervention in Latin America since the 1989 invasion of Panama, with Special Forces flying into Caracas by helicopter over the weekend, breaching Maduro’s security cordon and seizing him at the entrance of a safe room.

While denouncing Maduro as a dictator and drug kingpin responsible for flooding the United States with cocaine, Trump has been open about his desire to gain access to Venezuela’s oil wealth.

According to Reuters, the country holds the world’s largest proven oil reserves, around 303 billion barrels, mostly heavy crude in the Orinoco Belt, but years of mismanagement, chronic underinvestment and US sanctions have crippled the sector, with output averaging about 1.1 million barrels per day last year, roughly a third of production levels seen in the 1970s.

Trump has warned of further strikes if Venezuela fails to cooperate in opening up its oil industry and curbing drug trafficking. He also issued threats toward Colombia and Mexico, and claimed that Cuba’s communist government “appears close to collapse.”

Trump has also defended Maduro’s capture as a response to the surge of Venezuelan migrants, about one in five of whom fled during the country’s economic collapse and to Venezuela’s nationalisation of US oil interests decades earlier.

Maduro, a former bus driver, union leader and foreign minister handpicked by the late Hugo Chávez as his successor in 2013, is expected to be held in a cell for up to 23 hours a day at New York’s Metropolitan Detention Center. 

The facility has previously housed figures such as hip-hop mogul Sean ‘Diddy’ Combs and Ghislaine Maxwell, an associate of convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, both of whom have criticised its conditions as inhumane.

Meanwhile, Switzerland Federal Council announced an immediate freeze on any assets held in the country by Maduro and his associates on Monday.

The council said that the freeze, which will remain in place for four years, is intended to prevent the possible flight of illicit funds and supplements the sanctions Switzerland has imposed on Venezuela since 2018.

Swiss authorities clarified that the measure did not apply to members of Venezuela’s current government. They added that any assets determined to have been illegally obtained would be returned for the benefit of the Venezuelan people.

Describing the situation in Venezuela as volatile, the Federal Council said several scenarios could unfold in the coming days and weeks, noting that Switzerland was closely monitoring developments.

It urged all parties to exercise restraint and de-escalate tensions.

Resign from Tinubu’s gov’t, face Rivers politics, APC National Secretary tackles Wike

Mustapha USMAN
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0
Resign from Tinubu’s gov’t, face Rivers politics, APC National Secretary tackles Wike

THE National Secretary of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Ajibola Basiru, has asked the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, to quit President Bola Tinubu’s government and focus fully on what he described as his ‘obsession’ with Rivers State politics.

Basiru in a statement on Monday, January 5, said the minister had no authority to interfere in the internal affairs of the ruling party, stressing that Wike was not a member of the APC and, therefore, lacked the standing to comment on its leadership or activities.

‎”I am the National Secretary of APC, and I don’t see any basis for him to be making comments about my activities either in Rivers State or in any part of Nigeria. As the National Secretary of the party, my activities aren’t confined to Osun State, contrary to his wrong impression.

‎”I am the head of the National Secretariat of the APC. So, he has no locus whatsoever to engage me in any political activity that concerns the APC until he joins the party,” he said.

The APC scribe dismissed what he described as veiled threats issued by Wike, insisting that his political background had prepared him to withstand intimidation from any quarter.

“‎I am one of the young Nigerians that confronted military dictatorship. I can’t be bullied by anybody, no matter how highly placed. My records as National Secretary are above board, and I can’t be queried by somebody who isn’t a member of APC,” he said.

Basiru also rejected allegations suggesting that he had an interest in Rivers State funds, particularly the state’s alleged N600 billion allocation, describing the claim as baseless and inconsistent with his record in public service.

The exchange followed comments by Wike during a “thank-you” visit to Oyigbo Local Government Area of Rivers State on Monday, where the minister warned Basiru to stay away from the state’s political affairs.

“‎Let me warn those who come to Rivers State, because you have heard that we have N600 billion, you come here, you collect, and you open your mouth to talk anyhow,” he said.

‎“I say it here, take this message to your National Secretary, leave Rivers State alone. Go and ask those who have done it before. Please don’t take our support for Mr President for granted. You have to be careful with the statements you make,” he added.

The warning came against the backdrop of ongoing political tension in the oil-rich Rivers State, particularly between Wike, the state immediate past governor and his successor, Siminalayi Fubara.

Basiru had earlier on Sunday, declared support for Fubara, urging party leaders to refrain from taking sides in the feud between the two leaders.

He also cautioned the APC South-South Chairman, Victor Giadom, against making derogatory remarks about the governor or any other elected official.

According to Basiru, members of the party’s National Working Committee should maintain neutrality in political crises to preserve internal cohesion.

Grok watermark triggers doubt over Tinubu–Kagame photo

Nurudeen AKEWUSHOLA
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Grok watermark triggers doubt over Tinubu–Kagame photo

A Photograph shared from President Bola Tinubu’s reported meeting with Rwandan President Paul Kagame in Paris has triggered widespread debate on social media after users observed a Grok watermark on the image.

This prompts questions over whether artificial intelligence was used to generate or manipulate the photograph.

Tinubu, on Sunday, January 4, disclosed via his verified X account, @officialABAT, that he hosted President Kagame to a private lunch in Paris, the French capital.

According to Tinubu, the meeting provided an opportunity for both leaders to deliberate on global developments and Africa’s position in a rapidly changing international environment.

“This afternoon, I had a private lunch with H. E. President Paul Kagame of Rwanda to discuss the current state of world affairs and advancing Africa in an ever-changing global landscape,” Tinubu wrote.

The meeting occurred during the Nigerian president’s trip to Europe. Presidential spokesperson, Bayo Onanuga, had earlier announced in a statement that Tinubu departed Lagos on Sunday, December 28, 2025, for Europe, continuing his end-of-year break and ahead of an official engagement in the United Arab Emirates.

According to the statement, Tinubu was invited by the President of the United Arab Emirates, Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, to participate in the 2026 edition of the Abu Dhabi Sustainability Week (ADSW 2026) summit.

The weeklong event is an annual gathering that brings together global leaders from government, business, and civil society to shape discussions on sustainable development.

With the theme “The Nexus of Next: All Systems Go,” ADSW 2026 is expected to connect ambition with action across innovation, finance, and people, highlighting pathways for global progress. The Presidency stated that Tinubu would return to Nigeria after the summit.

Grok watermark raises questions

However, controversy emerged after the photograph posted on Tinubu’s verified X account carried the watermark of Grok, a generative artificial intelligence chatbot developed by xAI, an AI company owned by billionaire Elon Musk. Grok is known for real-time search, AI-powered text generation, image creation, and image editing capabilities.

The same image was also shared by Dada Olusegun, Special Assistant to the President on New Media, further fueling reactions and scrutiny across social media platforms.

Several X and other social media users criticised the development, questioning why a photograph documenting a high-level diplomatic meeting would carry an AI watermark. Some users alleged that the image might have been artificially generated, while others accused the Presidency of attempting to mislead the public.

One X user, @WarepamorSammy, posted a strongly worded criticism accusing the president of using an AI-generated image to deceive Nigerians. Another user, @He_isJustin, wrote, “You should be ashamed to be honest. AI generated image posted by a ‘President’.”

Similarly, an X user identified as Ademola questioned the credibility of the image, suggesting that the use of an AI-generated photo reflected deeper issues within the administration.

Another critic, who tweets as #sonickay, also pointed out the Grok watermark and demanded clarity on the president’s whereabouts and activities.

Public scepticism and record of disinformation

The ICIR reports that the intensity of public reaction is influenced by previous instances in which the Nigerian Presidency has issued misleading or inaccurate information.

For instance, on April 29, 2025, Dada Olusegun shared two contrasting images on X purporting to compare water transportation in Anambra State under former Governor Peter Obi and Lagos State under Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu. The image depicting Obi showed him in a wooden canoe in a flooded area, while the Lagos image showed a modern watercraft.

Olusegun captioned the post: “Water transportation in Anambra under Obi vs. water transportation in Lagos under Babajide Sanwo-Olu.”

However, a reverse image search conducted by The FactCheckHub revealed that the image of Obi was taken in October 2022, eight years after he left office, during a visit to flood victims while he was a presidential candidate.

In another case, during the August 2024 #EndBadGovernance protests, the Presidency shared a video of Tinubu purportedly addressing Nigerians and urging patience amid economic hardship. Investigations later revealed that the video was extracted from an older broadcast made in July 2023.

Additionally, on January 6, 2025, presidential spokesperson, Bayo Onanuga, inaccurately claimed that Julius Debrah was the Chief of Staff to former Ghanaian President Nana Akufo-Addo. Fact-checks showed that Debrah was, in fact, the Chief of Staff to the current Ghanaian President, John Mahama, while Akufo-Addo’s Chief of Staff was Akosua Frema Osei-Opare.

Presidency clarifies Grok image

Amid the controversy, Temitope Ajayi, Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Publicity, issued a statement with the title “Stop Press”, on Monday, January 5. He dismissed claims that the image of Tinubu and Kagame was AI-generated.

According to Ajayi, the photograph was taken with a mobile phone and was initially of poor quality. He explained that the photographer later used Grok to enhance the image quality, not to fabricate the scene or generate a fake photograph.

Ajayi added that both presidents indeed met in Paris and later had dinner with French President Emmanuel Macron the same day. He criticised media reports and social media reactions that concluded the image was fake without proper verification.

Can Grok be used to refine images?

Findings by The ICIR showed that Grok could be used for image refinement and modification. The tool allows users to improve brightness, exposure, and overall clarity, as well as modify backgrounds and posture using simple text prompts.

File Photo: Venezuel’s interim President, Delcy Rodríguez

The ICIR conducted a test run using a file photograph of Venezuela’s interim president and successfully enhanced the image, changed the background, and altered posture using Grok’s tools. These features are powered by Aurora, xAI’s photorealistic image model introduced in late 2024.

The enhanced picture of Venezuela Interim president with her background and posture changed with Grok

The image-editing function, integrated into the X platform and Grok’s standalone applications, enables AI-assisted visual adjustments with fewer content restrictions compared to similar tools, such as Google’s Gemini.

 

 

One-third of Nigerian immigrants in US depend on welfare – Trump

Nanji Nandang VENLEY
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0
One-third of Nigerian immigrants in US depend on welfare – Trump

UNITED States President Donald Trump has claimed that roughly 33.3 per cent of Nigerian immigrant households in the United States receive some form of public assistance.

A chart circulated by Trump and titled “Immigrant Welfare Recipient Rates by Country of Origin,” profiles immigrants from about 120 countries and territories, and details the share of households that receive public assistance such as food support, healthcare benefits, and other welfare programmes.

Trump shared the chart on his Truth Social platform on Sunday, as Republicans renewed their focus on immigration policy, welfare dependency, and the economic impact of immigrants on US domestic politics.

According to the data, countries with the highest reported rates of welfare participation among immigrants include Bhutan at 81.4 per cent, Yemen at 75.2 per cent, Somalia at 71.9 per cent, the Marshall Islands at 71.4 per cent, the Dominican Republic, and Afghanistan both at 68.1 per cent, and Nigeria is listed at 33.3 per cent, placing it closer to the middle of the chart.

The data include Bermuda, Saudi Arabia, Argentina, Korea, and Kenya, which are the countries with the lowest welfare participation rates for immigrants, with figures ranging from about 25 to 29 per cent.

Trump’s post comes amid continued efforts by his administration to present access to public benefits as a central factor in determining immigration policies and eligibility criteria.

Throughout 2025, the administration repeatedly argued that welfare usage should be factored into decisions on who is allowed to enter or remain in the United States.

In June 2025, the White House unveiled a presidential proclamation imposing full and partial travel bans on several countries, citing security risks, weak identity management systems, and limited cooperation with US immigration authorities.

The restrictions were extended in late December 2025 through a revised proclamation effective January 1. The US widened the scope to 39 countries, which included Nigeria alongside several other African and Caribbean nations, with Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, South Sudan, and Syria, being on the full ban list.

The partial restrictions limit access to immigrant visas as well as several non-immigrant visa categories, including student (F), vocational (M), and exchange (J) visas.

Is 2026 a defining year for women’s rights in Nigeria?

Nanji Nandang VENLEY
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Is 2026 a defining year for women’s rights in Nigeria?

AS the world usher in 2026 , Nigerian gender advocates and women are no longer whispering their demands, from courtrooms and campuses to social media and the streets, they are insisting on dignity, representation, and justice.  In 2026, the expectation is that the state listens, acts, and delivers.

Representation, visibility, and redefining success

In 2025, Nigerian women continued to make notable achievements across sectors, from arts and governance to activism and business, even as structural barriers around mobility, recognition, and access to opportunity persist

In 2026, advocates expect the government to address structural inequalities that limit women’s economic and professional advancement from political representation and equal opportunity access to funding gaps and media representation.

Analysts note that true gender progress, is not measured by symbolic victories alone but by whether ordinary women, especially those in rural, displaced, and low-income communities experience tangible improvements in safety, opportunity, and justice.

Tackling sexual harassment and GBV

Initiatives launched in 2025 like The ICIR sexual harassment project to combat sexual harassment and abuse in universities signalled a growing recognition of the scale of abuse in educational institutions.

In 2026, expectations are rising for the nationwide adoption of sexual harassment policies in tertiary institutions and passage of the sexual harassment bill.

Following the the BBC investigation and other cases of sexual harassment in the country’s higher educational institutions, the Nigerian Senate in 2019, proposed legislation aimed at preventing, prohibiting, and redressing sexual harassment of students in tertiary educational institutions.

The proposed bill prescribes 14 years imprisonment for any academic found guilty of sexual misconduct against students. However, more than four years after the senate passed the bill, it still awaits presidential assent to make it law.

Former president Muhammadu Buhari failed to sign the bill during his term, and incumbent President Bola Tinubu has yet to do so too, years after his aide assured Nigerians of the president’s support for the bill.

Expectations are also rising for independent reporting and disciplinary mechanism and protection for whistle-blowers and survivors of sexual harassment and abuse.

With tens of thousands of GBV cases recorded annually, Nigeria faces mounting pressure to strengthen survivor support systems, improve data transparency, and ensure specialised prosecution of sexual and gender-based crimes, which under international law, failure to act amounts to state negligence.

Reproductive rights debates

The suspension of the proposed Criminal Code Amendment Bill on abortion-related offences highlighted Nigeria’s unresolved tensions around reproductive rights. In 2026, advocates expect broader, evidence-based conversations grounded in public health, human rights, and medical ethics.

Global standards, including guidance from the World Health Organization (WHO), stress that punitive abortion laws do not reduce abortion rates but increase unsafe procedures and maternal mortality.

As Nigeria grapples with one of the world’s highest maternal death rates, campaigners argue that future legislative efforts must prioritise women’s lives, access to healthcare, and clarity in law rather than blanket criminalisation.

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