PRESIDENT Bola Tinubu has ordered the Federal Ministry of Health and Social Welfare to take all lawful measures to ensure that members of the Nigerian Association of Resident Doctors (NARD) who commenced an indefinite strike on Saturday, November 1, return to work immediately.
The Minister of State for Health and Social Welfare, Iziaq Salako, revealed the directive during a press briefing in Abuja on Monday, noting that the president gave a clear mandate to resolve the impasse and restore normalcy in the nation’s hospitals.
“Mr President has expressly directed that we do everything possible and legitimate to ensure that the resident doctors are brought back to their duty posts as soon as possible,” Salako said.
The ICIRreported that (NARD) declared a total, comprehensive, and indefinite strike, on October 31, 2025, following the expiration of a 30-day ultimatum issued to the Federal Government over unresolved demands.
It had on September 28 issued a 30-day ultimatum to the Federal Government, demanding the implementation of several agreements, including improved welfare for its members, payment of salary arrears, improved working conditions across federal and state hospitals, among others.
The industrial action has crippled operations in federal and state tertiary hospitals.
Reiterating the government’s commitment to dialogue, Salako in his Monday address urged the doctors to resume duties, stating that “Industrial peace cannot be achieved through confrontation. We value the contribution of our health workers, and the president especially values the resident doctors. If it were possible, we would pay them N50 million monthly, because no one can fully compensate their service.”
He apologised to Nigerians impacted by the strike, stating that the government had been in continuous dialogue with NARD’s leadership to resolve their 19-point demands.
He explained that the dispute partly arose from a circular issued in July by the National Salaries, Incomes and Wages Commission, which caused divisions among health workers.
He noted that the circular was subsequently withdrawn, and in August, a Collective Bargaining Agreement process was initiated to harmonise negotiations among health unions, including the Nigerian Medical Association, the National Association of Nigerian Nurses and Midwives, and the Joint Health Sector Unions.
The minister stated that progress had been achieved, despite lingering disagreements over salary relativity and the appointment of non-medical consultants.
“We engaged an external industrial relations expert to mediate, and most of the 19 issues raised by NARD are already being addressed,” he added.
He further noted that the President had approved an upward review of the retirement age for clinical staff to 65 years.
Addressing one of NARD’s major demands, the minister clarified that medical and dental house officers could not be included in the civil service scheme since they are interns on temporary 12-month appointments.
“They are not regular staff and cannot be placed on pensionable employment,” he said.
Salako further explained that the contentious creation of consultant cadres for non-medical staff preceded the current administration, adding that the issue would be addressed through dialogue.
Regarding the dismissal of five resident doctors from the Federal Teaching Hospital, Lokoja, he stated that a three-member review committee had been established to revisit the case, and three of the affected doctors had already been cleared for reinstatement.
Salako disclosed that the Federal Government had released N21.3 billion to clear outstanding arrears and allowances, adding that 60 percent of the affected doctors had already been paid.
He added that another N11.9 billion was being processed, while N20 billion had earlier been disbursed through the Medical Residency Training Fund.
Addressing workforce shortages, he stated that 14,444 health workers, including 3,064 resident doctors, were recruited in 2024, while an additional 23,059 personnel are being engaged in 2025.
The Minister of State further noted that doctors in the public service earned about 50 per cent more than other health professionals, highlighting the government’s commitment to their welfare despite prevailing economic challenges.
The ICIRreported that NARD said that its demands were not new or unreasonable but vital to building a sustainable healthcare system.
The association accused the government of neglecting to implement long-standing agreements, citing unpaid salary arrears, delayed allowances, and irregular promotions, and warned that the strike would persist until tangible progress was achieved.
Similarly, the Association of Resident Doctors in the FCTA vowed on Monday to sustain its strike until all pending arrears and welfare concerns were fully resolved.
The doctors called on FCT Minister Nyesom Wike to take decisive action, alleging that bureaucratic sabotage was obstructing the implementation of his earlier approvals.
The ICIRreported that the association had on September 12, began a five-day warning strike but suspended it after two days, following the release of funds for the outstanding Medical Residency Training Fund, and to allow the Federal Government two weeks to address its concerns.
BAYELSA State Governor, Douye Diri, has formally announced his defection from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC)
He said his decision was driven by the need to “save Bayelsa from sinking” amid what he described as the PDP’s “terminal decline.”
Diri’s declaration took place during a grand rally on Monday in Yenagoa, the state capital.
“We tried all we could to save the PDP but to no avail. Undertakers were very busy to bury the PDP. After seeing that the undertakers wanted to bury the PDP, I never wanted my state to be buried alongside with PDP,” he said.
Diri, who had announced his resignation from the PDP on October 15, said he had spent years trying to stabilise the party, but it had fallen into the hands of what he called ‘undertakers’ who had taken control of its structures.
“So knowing what was going on, after all my consultations with all the leaders, it was incumbent on me as governor to make a decision,” Diri said.
He stated that his defection signified not merely a political shift in Bayelsa, but a broader realignment within the Ijaw nation.
“This defection is not a Bayelsa defection. It is the Ijaw nation defecting to APC,” Diri declared.
The governor also dismissed claims that his departure from the PDP could jeopardise his mandate.
“There is only one way a governor will lose his office, by impeachment from the State House of Assembly.
“And in this situation, the Speaker of the State House of Assembly and the majority of the members are going with me,” he stated.
Several high-profile figures from the ruling party, including Vice President Kashim Shettima, who led the presidential delegation; Senate President Godswill Akpabio; Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin; the APC National Chairman; serving ministers; and governors from across the country were in attendance of the ceremony.
Diri commended the APC national leadership for welcoming him into the party, saying Bayelsa needed to align with a national platform that allows it greater political space and relevance.
In recent months, The ICIRreported a pattern of defections from the PDP to the ruling APC, particularly among governors and lawmakers seeking to align with the federal government.
Kaila Dahuwa Samaila, the Senator representing Bauchi North and three members of the House of Representatives from Kaduna State also announced their departure from the PDP last month, citing persistent internal crises within the party.
The move further tipped the balance of power in favour of President Bola Tinubu’s party ahead of the 2027 general elections.
The PDP’s National Publicity Secretary, Debo Ologunagba, last month admitted that the party was battling internal sabotage, expressing disappointment over recent defections, including that of Governor Mbah, but maintained that the PDP would recover through reforms and discipline.
Meanwhile, the APC National Chairman, Nentawe Yilwatda, has repeatedly described the wave of defections as evidence of the party’s growing dominance and the appeal of President Bola Tinubu’s leadership, particularly in regions historically controlled by the opposition.
THE Kano State Government has approved plans to acquire majority shares in the Kano Electricity Distribution Company (KEDCO), targeted at improving its equity stake and control in the company.
The state government said the initiative would improve energy supply, promote industrial growth, and expand access to reliable electricity across the state.
A statement signed by the governor’s spokesperson, Sunusi Bature Tofa, on Monday, November 3, noted that the decision aimed to give the state a stronger role in electricity generation, transmission, and distribution to enhance efficiency, accountability, and service delivery in the energy sector.
It is also expected to boost economic activities, create jobs, and attract both local and foreign investments, the statement said.
In addition, the government approved the presentation and adoption of the Kano State Electricity Policy under the Ministry of Power and Renewable Energy.
The policy provides a clear roadmap for sustainable energy development, focusing on renewable power integration and improved energy efficiency across sectors.
“Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s administration remains committed to transforming Kano into an energy-secure and business-friendly state that fosters innovation, industrialisation, and inclusive economic growth,” the statement stated.
The ICIR reports that Kano DisCo had been making significant strides in improving electricity supply in its service areas, which include Kano, Katsina, and Jigawa states.
It would be noted that Future Energies Africa (FEA) acquired KEDCO in 2023 and has since invested ₦4 billion to acquire a 2.5 per cent stake in the company.
The investment has led to improvements in billing and collection efficiencies, significantly reducing commercial losses.
Earlier in February, The ICIR reported that the Jigawa State Government, in partnership with Future Energies Africa, increased its market share in Kano DisCo by 10 per cent from the previous seven per cent.
As part of the deal, the state government and KEDCO signed an innovative partnership to ensure stable electricity across the state.
The partnership will see KEDCO (and partners) invest in building up to 10 megawatts of solar-interconnected mini-grids in the key urban hubs of Dutse, Gumel, Hadejia, Kafin Hausa, Kazaure, and Ringim to augment power supply and ensure stable electricity across Jigawa state.
Analysts say these investments by electricity distribution companies would improve power supply, as states have been empowered by the Electricity Act,2023, to divest investments in the electricity value chain.
Notably, the Electricity Act de-monopolises electricity generation, transmission, and distribution at the national level to empower states, companies, and individuals to generate, transmit and distribute electricity, while lessening pressure on the national grid.
THE Lagos State Police Command has declared activist Omoyele Sowore wanted for allegedly causing a disturbance of public peace and attempting to block the Third Mainland Bridge during a protest against the demolition of houses in Oworonshoki area of the state.
Commissioner of Police in the state, Olohundare Jimoh, made the declaration on Monday, November 3, at the protest ground.
Jimoh, who led anti-riot police officers to the location, said the massive deployment was to safeguard critical national infrastructure, and prevent any attempt to disrupt traffic or economic activities.
“I hereby, as the Commissioner of Police, Lagos State Command, declare Sowore wanted for the act of causing disturbance of public peace and an act to commit serious felony by putting plans in motion to obstruct traffic on the Third Mainland Bridge to cause hardship for Lagosians, other Nigerians, and most especially visitors transiting the area. We will not allow this to happen,” the Police chief said.
He questioned why the activist, who had previously staged protests in Abuja, was not physically present in Lagos to address the unfolding situation.
“We are closing in on him wherever he is. He should come down — he came down in Abuja, why is he afraid to come down in Lagos?” he said.
“He should report to the nearest police station because we will arrest, investigate, and prosecute him. Let him put his feet on the ground,” he added.
He further warned that obstructing traffic on the bridge could compromise its structural integrity, noting that bridges were designed for moving vehicles, not stationary gatherings.
Jimoh disclosed that tactical units had been stationed at strategic points, including Iyana-Oworo, Ilubirin, Berger Bus Stop, and major terminals to stop protesters from accessing the bridge.
According to him, 13 suspects had already been arrested in connection with what he described as “miscreant activity.”
Jimoh also said that residents affected by the Oworonshoki demolitions had been compensated by the relevant government agencies. He accused some groups of trying to exploit the situation to incite violence.
“We have arrested 13 of these miscreants and hoodlums. There is no reason for this protest. Residents of Oworonshoki who were entitled to compensation have been paid, and the community has remained peaceful. But this attempt to instigate crisis and violence will not be tolerated,” he said.
Sowore reacts
In a post on his X page, Sowore confirmed the police declaration and accused the Lagos Command of targeting him and other protesters.
“The Lagos Police Commissioner, Moshood Jimoh, has reportedly declared me ‘wanted’ for ‘disturbance of public peace’, allegedly as a result of his officers’ inability to execute a ‘shoot on sight’ order given by his illegal IGP, Kayode Egbetokun in Oworonsoki today,” he wrote on his social media accounts.
Sowore claimed he had attempted to contact the commissioner but received no response, adding that he planned to meet with him soon “to address his declaration.”
Earlier, the activist had shared a video showing police officers firing tear gas and arresting protesters during the demonstration.
He accused the police of using excessive force against peaceful demonstrators, saying it was ‘disheartening’ that law enforcement officers were being used against “defenseless citizens” instead of focusing on crime, terrorism, and insecurity.
“In Lagos, earlier today, I was targeted by @policeng during an anti-demolition protest in Oworonsoki, the deadly squads were sent by Kayode Egbetokun, the illegal Inspector General of Police. Upon my arrival, the police contingents began firing riot guns directly at protesters and deployed additional RRS reinforcements.
“I captured some of their actions, including indiscriminate arrests and attacks on innocent bystanders during a Facebook Live broadcast I did on the scene.
“It is disheartening to see law enforcement officers, who should be dedicated to fighting crime, terrorism, insurgency, and banditry, being utilised against defenseless citizens,” he said.
Just last week, The ICIR reported that human rights activist regained his freedom after spending four days in detention in Abuja for leading a peaceful demonstration calling for the release of detained IPOB leader, Nnamdi Kanu.
Sowore’s arrest and the subsequent prosecution of several protesters drew condemnation from civil society groups, who accused security agencies of weaponising court orders to silence dissent.
The police had defended the arrest, saying protesters violated restrictions around sensitive government facilities in Abuja.
RESIDENT doctors working in public hospitals in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) have vowed to continue their indefinite strike until all outstanding demands are met.
They vowed that they would continue to down tools whether or not the Nigerian Association of Resident Doctors (NARD) suspends its ongoing nationwide action.
The Association of Resident Doctors, FCTA chapter (ARD-FCTA), said the decision followed the government’s failure to implement resolutions reached after several interventions by the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, and the National Assembly.
The association said despite months of assurances, none of the promises made had been fulfilled.
Speaking during a press briefing in Abuja on Monday, November 3, ARD-FCTA President, George Ebong, lamented that the strike, which was earlier suspended six weeks ago to give room for negotiation, had to resume because the authorities failed to meet agreed timelines.
He explained that doctors in FCT hospitals were not only paid late but also underpaid compared to their colleagues in other federal institutions.
“Unfortunately, none of our demands have been implemented. We’re back to where we were before; nothing has been positive yet. “Today, being the 3rd of November, we have not even been paid last month’s salary. It has become a culture in FCTA that salaries are not paid as of when due.
“We get the month’s salary the following month, and even the following month, we get them in the first week or second week of the following month. It has become a trend. When our counterparts in other institutions are getting their salaries paid to them, we struggle to get ours paid, and when we get our salaries paid, it’s never complete.
“And of course, we have the demands that we begged the management to please fix. Knowing so well that these demands are very important in such a way that doctors will have the passion to practice. But unfortunately, this has actually not happened,” Ebong said.
He added that 28 doctors employed in 2023 were still being owed salaries despite repeated appeals to the administration.
He further stressed that newly recruited external resident doctors had not been paid for over seven months, forcing some to resign due to financial hardship.
Ebong also faulted the administration for allegedly failing to release the Medical Residency Training Fund for 142 doctors, which had already been approved at the federal level. The fund, he said, was essential for supporting doctors’ medical training and professional development.
The ARD-FCTA president further accused the FCTA of attempting to employ new doctors at the wrong entry level—CONMESS 2 instead of CONMESS 3 to reduce the salary scale by nearly N200,000.
He described the state of healthcare infrastructure in the FCT as deteriorating, with doctors overworked and hospitals inadequately equipped to handle the rising patient load. Ebong alleged that some senior officials within the administration were deliberately delaying the implementation of directives already approved by Minister Wike.
“We believe the honourable minister may not have the full picture. It is disappointing that despite his approval, certain persons are holding back implementation. We appeal to him to act decisively.
“We can’t fix the medical system on the pages of newspapers. These problems must be fixed on the ground. We are ready to work, but we can’t give what we don’t have,” he stated.
The ICIR reports that the ARD-FCTA’s decision to continue its strike came amid a nationwide shutdown of medical services following NARD’s declaration of an indefinite strike over similar grievance.
NARD’s national president, Muhammad Suleiman, said the federal government had failed to demonstrate the political will to resolve long-standing welfare and salary issues despite repeated dialogues and strike extensions.
According to him, doctors and other health workers are owed between ₦35 billion and ₦38 billion in accumulated allowances, with some institutions owing salaries dating back several months.
He noted that the nationwide strike was necessitated by unpaid arrears, delayed promotions, poor working conditions, and the failure to review doctors’ salaries for over 16 years.
TENSION gripped the national secretariat of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Abuja on Monday as loyalists of the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, stormed the Wadata Plaza and announced the takeover of the party’s leadership.
The faction announced the appointment of Muhammed Abdulrahman as the Acting National Chairman, following the suspension of key party officials loyal to Wike by the National Working Committee (NWC) under Umar Damagum.
The Damagum-led NWC had earlier suspended the party’s National Secretary, Samuel Anyanwu, and other officials believed to be aligned with Wike.
Responding, the Wike camp suspended Damagum and other members of the NWC, naming Abdulrahman as replacement.
Addressing journalists at the PDP’s FCT office before moving to the secretariat, Abdulrahman said his leadership would focus on healing internal divisions and restoring order to the party.
“We are all aware of the current pitiable state of our glorious party because of the actions and inactions of our leaders and members. From being the ruling party for 16 uninterrupted years to being an opposition party for over 10 years now at the national level, from being a formidable opposition to a now humbled opposition owing to the unexplainable, unconscionable defections of governors, legislators and council chairmen, et al,” Daily Trust quoted him to have said.
Abdulrahman’s supporters were also seen at the national secretariat, where they were chanting solidarity songs and demanding that the National Working Committee, led by Umar Damagum, vacate the headquarters immediately.
The protest prompted the deployment of heavily armed police officers to prevent clashes.
Report indicates that at least ten police Hilux vans were sighted around the premises as security operatives maintain order.
The current confrontation is the latest flashpoint in the PDP’s long-running leadership crisis. Tensions between Wike’s camp and the Damagum-led NWC have deepened over issues of zoning, control of party structures, and allegations of constitutional breaches.
Since the 2023 presidential election, when Wike and four other governors, popularly known as the G5, revolted against the party’s presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, the PDP has struggled to recover from internal fractures.
Wike, now serving as FCT Minister under the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) government, has maintained significant influence within the PDP, particularly in the South-South region.
United States President Donald Trump has said the American military could deploy ground troops or launch air strikes in Nigeria to halt what he described as the widespread killing of Christians in the West African nation.
According to Reuters, Trump disclosed this to reporters aboard Air Force One on Sunday, while returning to Washington after spending the weekend at his Florida vacation home.
When asked whether he was considering deploying ground troops or conducting airstrikes in Nigeria, Trump responded, “Could be”.
“I mean, other things. I envisage a lot of things. They’re killing record numbers of Christians in Nigeria … They’re killing the Christians and killing them in very large numbers. We’re not going to allow that to happen,” he said.
The ICIR reported that on Saturday, November 2, that Trump warned he would consider military action against Nigeria if the country failed to curb alleged killings of Christians, just a day after his administration placed Nigeria on the “Countries of Particular Concern” list for violating religious freedoms.
Other nations on the list include China, Myanmar, North Korea, Russia and Pakistan.
Meanwhile, the Nigerian government prompted refuted claim of Christian genocide by the US.
President Bola Tinubu said Nigeria stood firmly as a democracy governed by constitutional guarantees of religious liberty and continued to maintain open engagement with both Christian and Muslim leaders across the country.
He argued that the portrayal of Nigeria as religiously intolerant did not reflect the reality in the country, adding that the government’s efforts to safeguard freedom of belief for all Nigerians remained consistent and sincere.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, also dismissed the claims, stating that while it appreciated global concern for human rights and religious freedom, the allegations were inaccurate and misrepresented the country’s realities.
The ministry insisted that under Tinubu’s leadership, the country remained committed to fighting terrorism, strengthening interfaith harmony, and protecting the lives and rights of all its people.
Recall that the conversation started last month, when US lawmaker Riley Moore had urged Secretary of State Marco Rubio to take diplomatic action over what he described as the “systematic persecution and slaughter of Christians” in Nigeria, calling it “the deadliest place in the world to be a Christian.”
He also advocated suspending arms sales to Nigeria until measurable progress was made in curbing violence.
THE humanitarian crisis in Sokoto’s internally displaced persons (IDP) camps is deepening as global aid shrinks and donor support declines. The ICIR examines how funding cuts are worsening living conditions for displaced families who once relied on assistance from international and donor-funded organisations.
When the rains fall, they pour directly on Aisha Garba’s head through the leaking roof in her makeshift mud house in Ramen Kura, IDP camp in Sokoto state. For three years, the 50-year-old and her five children have called the crowded camp home after fleeing bandit attacks in Rijiya village, Isa Local Government Area.
Life in the camp was never easy, but it was at least survivable when foreign aid was flowing. International NGOs supported by foreign organisations, such as USAID, once delivered rice, noodles, macaroni, and even small cash gifts, which allowed Aisha to feed her children at least twice a day.
“But this year everything has changed. We are just managing. There is no support,” Aisha said.
On most days, Aisha relies on desperate measures like sending her children out to beg, borrowing food on credit from a woman who sells food, or mixing spoonfuls of rice with Garri just to stretch a meal.
“If they don’t get anything, I have to go out and ask for a loan. If I don’t get we will just manage our life,” she explains, adding, “Even if we get a hundred naira for one swallow I buy, how do you think one swallow will be enough for us?”
Aisha Garba
The consequences are damning. One of Aisha’s daughters fell gravely ill with diarrhoea and vomiting. After visits to three hospitals, doctors told her the child was battling ulcer caused by prolonged hunger. “I didn’t know ulcer comes from hunger. I have visited three hospitals with her before she got relief.”
Aisha and her family are only one of some five million people across northwest Nigeria suffering from malnourishment in what experts have called the region’s most severe food crisis in years.
The troubled region has, for a decade and a half, been in the throes of a conflict waged by the terrorists locally known as bandits, and prolonged insecurity has disrupted food supplies, resulting in a hunger crisis that state governments are struggling to contain.
Worsening the problem this year are the massive and brutal funding cuts affecting aid organisations, which have often stepped in to help by providing food assistance to the over 1.3 million displaced northwest Nigerians. Many of those organisations were dependent on funds from the United States, which, since February, has reduced contributions to aid programmes globally by about 90 per cent.
Earlier this year, the Trump administration froze foreign aid and cut support for aid groups deemed lifesaving – decisions that quickly turned into life-or-death realities for families like Aisha’s.
Nigeria is one of the largest beneficiaries of the aid on the African continent. In 2024, the country was the third-largest African recipient of development assistance from the United States Agency for International Development, receiving a total of $876 million. But with the suspension, the fates of thousands of IDPs in Sokoto and other parts of the Northwest are hanging on the balance.
When aid stop trickling
In March, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio confirmed what aid workers had feared: the Trump administration had cancelled 83 per cent of U.S. USAID programmes. He announced that while the agency had spent over $715 billion in international development over the years, America would now redirect those funds into domestic priorities.
By July, USAID was officially dissolved. Decades of global development work in health, education, and humanitarian response came to an abrupt halt, leaving an aching void in fragile economies and conflict-torn regions.
For developing nations, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa where public systems are underfunded and humanitarian crises are frequent, the move was devastating. The decision crippled health interventions, derailed nutrition and food security programmes, and emergency operations that had sustained millions of internally displaced persons. In Nigeria, where USAID had consistently been among the top donors for humanitarian and development aid, the aftershock was immediate and brutal.
Ramen Kura, IDP camp in Sokoto State. Photo: The ICIR
Before the cuts, USAID had poured millions of dollars into Nigeria’s northwest — one of the country’s most underserved regions. Sokoto State, plagued by years of banditry and displacement, had been a key beneficiary of U.S. humanitarian funding.
Through partnerships with the World Food Programme (WFP), UNICEF, and local NGOs, USAID supported life-saving nutrition and health interventions across dozens of IDP settlements in Sokoto and its border communities. These projects provided therapeutic feeding for malnourished children, maternal health services for women, clean water, and emergency food assistance for thousands displaced by armed violence.
By late 2024, the humanitarian situation in Sokoto was already fragile. Floods, poor harvests, and intensifying attacks by armed groups had displaced more than 18,000 people across the state, many of whom fled to informal camps in Wurno, Isa, and Goronyo LGAs.
When the U.S. abruptly halted its funding, those fragile gains began to unravel. Mobile nutrition centres that once dotted the dusty landscapes of Sokoto North and Rabah were forced to close. Community health workers trained under USAID-funded projects withdrew their services, while several partner organisations including Catholic Relief Services (CRS), Cooperazione Internazionale (COOPI), Grassroot Initiative for Strengthening Community Resilience (GISCOR), Finpact Development Foundation (FINDEF), Neem Foundation, and the International NGO Safety Organisation (INSO) were severely affected.
“Sequel to the stop work order by the US President, some humanitarian organisations were vacating the IDPs camp, and it affected the vulnerable population much more,” an NGO worker told The ICIR.
In March, UNICEF warned that critical nutrition supplies for acutely malnourished children were rapidly dwindling in Nigeria and Ethiopia. USAID had been the largest single donor bridging that gap. Its sudden withdrawal left agencies scrambling to reallocate limited resources from other regions, often forcing them to suspend operations in less accessible communities.
Analysts argue that the executive order exposed how dependent Nigeria’s humanitarian system had become on foreign aid, particularly from the U.S. For years, successive governments had failed to fund emergency response and social protection systems adequately. When external support disappeared, there was no domestic safety net strong enough to cushion the blow.
The U.S. government had previously spent more than $600 million annually on Nigeria’s health and humanitarian programmes, much of it flowing through USAID. Between 2022 and 2024 alone, it invested nearly $2.8 billion in health-related assistance, spanning HIV/AIDS, malaria, nutrition, and maternal health. Sokoto and Zamfara — among the most affected states — were key targets of USAID’s “Feed the Future” and “Health Resilience” programmes.
Struggling parents, starving children
For Hassan Abubakar, a 44-year-old father of eight, displacement has stretched into its fourth year. He and his family fled their village in Rabah LGA of Sokoto State after bandit attacks made life unbearable.
“At first, we used to get financial and food support,” he recalled, adding: “They gave us wheat and even built toilets for us. But now everything has changed. It’s been almost a year since we received anything, and eight months since we got wheat.”
Now, with aid withdrawn and prices skyrocketing, life has become a daily battle. Many of the displaced, including Hassan, try to earn a little through manual labour in town. “Someone called me to go and cut a tree for him so I could get money to buy food for my children,” he said.
Hassan Abubakar’s house in Sokoto State.
Farming, which once offered hope, has become another source of fear. Hassan planted millet this year, but harvesting feels like a death trap. Sometimes, before they reach the farm, they receive calls warning that bandits were approaching or that they had kidnapped some farmers while they were working.
The unharvested crops weigh heavily on him. Even though they are hungry and the millet is ripe, bandits will not allow them to harvest.
Two of his children now lie sick in bed, and medical support is out of reach. “If I had harvested, I would have sold the crops to pay for their treatment. But as I am talking to you, I am hungry, and my children are hungry too. Many nights, we sleep with empty stomachs.”
Rashida Muhammad has lived three years in the Ramin Kura camp, but she remembers with haunting clarity the night that drove her out of her home in Saturu village, Isa LGA of Sokoto State.
She had been hiding alone in her room when armed men burst in. “Why are you hiding here?” one of them demanded, pointing a gun at her.
Rashida tried to stay calm. They told her she would be married off to them, whether she agreed or not. She pushed back, saying she would not be the first woman dragged to their den. In the end, one of them threw ₦500 at her, instructing her to buy bread for her children, before warning that they would return the next day.
Rashida Muhammad
That night, she decided she could not wait for their return. By dawn, she gathered her children and fled her village.
Life in displacement has been another kind of struggle. At first, food assistance softened the blow, noodles, nut cake, and grains distributed by aid groups. But with many of those services frozen or withdrawn, Rashida said survival has become a daily gamble.
Her husband died during her years in the camp, leaving her to raise the children alone. When one of them recently fell gravely ill with fever, Rashida spent nearly ₦40,000 raised through contributions from fellow displaced families just to keep him alive.
“I can’t get the nutritional milk for him now,” she said, recalling how one of her children had once recovered with the free supplements provided by aid agencies. “Even if I want to collect the milk, I can’t get it for the second child.”
Aisha Abubakar
Aisha Abubakar’s seven children wake up not knowing when food will come every day. On some days, their first meal doesn’t arrive until after noon, and at night they may eat only around 8 p.m. “If we don’t get anything, we just go to bed hungrily,” she said.
Aisha, who fled her home in Tulluwa village of Rabah LGA, remembers when aid organisations still provided food and supplies. “Surely, we enjoyed our life when humanitarian organisations were helping us. But now we are in critical condition since they stopped coming.”
Her husband had been gravely ill and is yet to recover. Though aid groups once distributed nutritional milk, Aisha said she has not been able to get it for her children again. “I just came back from there and didn’t get it,” she explained.
Government’s response
Armed bandits have subjected people in the country’s North West to a reign of terror for close to a decade now as authorities struggle to contain the growing violence. They sack villages, sexually assault women, impose levies on communities, kill locals, and control a million-dollar kidnap-for-ransom enterprise to keep their operations running.
There are believed to be as many as 30,000 terrorists belonging to different camps in the region. They wield considerable influence in some rural areas, acting as the de facto authority. Locals live under their harsh laws in such places. They also go as far as imposing levies and forcing able-bodied men among the communities to work on their farms.
Since 2011, when the crisis escalated, over 20,000 lives have been lost to armed violence in the North West, according to data gathered by the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED) Project. The crisis has also displaced over 600,000 people across Kaduna, Kebbi, Sokoto, Katsina, and Zamfara.
Before the insecurity, families in the region, particularly outside the urban metropolis of Sokoto, survived on subsistence farming, tilling plots of land, and selling surplus harvest. These days, that is hardly an option.
In rural areas not under army control, bandits operate as a sort of government, exploiting villagers to generate money.
As a result, many end up in IDP camps where they endure squalor and grapple with contaminated water, which poses a severe threat of waterborne diseases, including cholera, to the camp’s children and pregnant women.
The ICIR had earlier reported that many IDPs face financial constraints, most resort to seeking healthcare from local chemists and untrained traditional medicine practitioners for ailments like fever, malaria, or diarrhoea, as a visit to formal medical facilities is often beyond their means. The lack of financial resources extends its grip on education, depriving their children of schooling opportunities due to an inability to meet associated costs.
Amid this dire situation, humanitarian organisations often come as sort of form of relief. However, most of them, which are backed by foreign aid, have left or downsized.
According to Sokoto, Kastina, Zamfara, SMART Survey and Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) Acute Malnutrition (AMN) Analysis survey, Sokoto is among the states with the highest number of malnourished children. Specifically, the report showed that 297,832 children were severely malnourished in the state in 2023.
As part of its strategy to address the alarming malnutrition cases in Sokoto, Governor Ahmed Aliyu, in July, said it has earmarked about N500 million to address the rising cases of severe acute malnutrition among children in the state. However, a crucial hurdle remains the uncertain release of these appropriated funds.
Data shows that 44 per cent of households in Sokoto State live below the poverty line of $1.90 per day, according to a 2021 study on the nutritional status of children under five. This dire situation translates to 11.2 per cent of children suffering from severe hunger and 18.8 per cent facing moderate hunger. The study also revealed a combined impact of poverty and hunger affecting a staggering 73 per cent of Sokoto households, far exceeding the national average of 45.4 per cent.
When compared to global and national averages, Sokoto falls short on measures of weight and height for age, indicating both immediate and long-term nutritional deficiencies, according to a 2022 study conducted in the department of paediatrics in Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto.
Rabah IDP camp, Sokoto
Speaking with The ICIR, the acting director of Sokoto State ministry of Humanitarian affairs, Salisu Abubakar, said several USAID-funded projects, including one known as Enhancing Coordination System Distance Response in Nigeria (ECODIN), were halted following the U.S. government’s decision to suspend foreign aid earlier in the year.
“It affects us seriously. There is one project called Enhancing Coordination System Distance Response in Nigeria (ECODIN) that we were about to integrate here after a meeting in Abuja, but it was suspended due to this issue of USAID.”
He explained that while the suspension disrupted the ministry’s plans, the state government sought to mitigate the impact by engaging other organisations carrying out similar interventions.
“We shifted the whole project to other organisations,” Abubakar noted, adding: “Some of them were already implementing their own programmes, so we asked if they could take on some of the responsibilities that USAID was handling. Some accepted, some didn’t.”
The director acknowledged that Sokoto had previously benefited from several USAID-supported projects in emergency response and humanitarian aid.
On how the state government is responding to the growing humanitarian needs, especially among internally displaced persons (IDPs), Abubakar said Sokoto has continued to offer limited assistance despite constraints.
NGOs lament halt of lifesaving projects
Umar Isah, former director of disaster management at the Sokoto State Emergency Management Agency (SEMA) and now Executive Director of the LinkGate for Humanitarian Development Initiatives, said the funding halt has paralysed most aid programmes in the state.
“Due to the USAID issue from the United States President, we are having serious funding constraints. Most of the NGOs that were working under USAID funding can no longer operate, and our local partners don’t have the capacity to sustain the work.”
Isah noted that before the suspension, at least five international NGOs were actively responding to the needs of displaced persons in Sokoto through projects on nutrition, water and sanitation (WASH), shelter, and livelihood empowerment.
“Right now, it’s only Action Against Hunger and COOPI that are still responding to nutrition and emergency needs,” he said. “UNICEF is planning a multisectoral intervention in hard-to-reach areas, but it hasn’t started yet.
“In the health sector, the impact is total,” he said, stressing: “Nutrition interventions, WASH, food items, and non-food item distributions have almost 90 per cent stopped because NGOs like Christian Aid and others withdrew after the funding cut.”
Umar Isah
Isah appealed to the Nigerian government and international donors to urgently step in before the humanitarian situation worsens further.
“Every local government in Sokoto has displaced people. Because of the economic hardship, they can’t cater for themselves. There is an urgent need for donors—both international and local—and the government to come to their aid.”
Ubaida Bello Muhammad, the founder of Hikima Community Mobilisation and Development Initiative in Sokoto, one of the organisations once supported by USAID, recalled how life in the IDP camps changed drastically after the U.S. Agency for International Development froze its aid programs.
“Before the freeze, there were a lot of projects going on—nutrition, maternal and child health, reproductive health, economic empowerment, even agricultural support. Thousands of women and children were benefiting, and Sokoto was a major hub for these interventions,” she explained.
“The instruction came suddenly—everyone was asked to shut down their systems and leave the office. It was the same with local NGOs like us. About 70 staff and over 60 community case workers lost their jobs that day, and the services to IDPs stopped completely. It was the end of their contract. That also meant the end of food, nutrition, and medical support for displaced families.”
Muhammad acknowledged that Sokoto state officials sometimes collaborate, but she criticised the over-reliance on foreign donors. “Local authorities are depending too heavily on international NGOs. When USAID froze its support, everything collapsed. It shows there was no backup plan.
“If this crisis is not addressed, we don’t know how it’s going to end. Women struggle after losing their husbands to bandit attacks. They can’t feed or clothe their children, and many risk dying along the way. It is very difficult, she said.”
THE Lagos State Domestic and Sexual Violence Agency (DSVA) has urged victims and survivors to share any information that could aid the ongoing investigation into e-hailing driver accused of multiple rape and assault cases in the state.
In a statement on X on Sunday, November 2, the agency said it was collaborating with the Lagos State Police Command to strengthen evidence and ensure justice following the arrest of the suspect, identified as Adedayo Adegbola.
The DSVA commended the police for their swift and diligent efforts in apprehending the driver and appealed to other possible victims to reach out through its official channels.
“The agency is working closely with the police to ensure that justice is served, and to strengthen the ongoing investigation and expand the body of substantial evidence.
“We are calling on other victims or survivors who may have been assaulted by the suspect to please come forward,” the agency urged.
Detectives from the State Criminal Investigation Department, Panti, arrested the suspect after several online posts featuring his photo went viral, with female victims identifying him.
This was made known in a statement by the Lagos State Police Public Relations Officer, Abimbola Adebisi, a superintendent of police, and shared on the command’s X account on Saturday, November 1.
According to the spokesperson, the arrest came after a discreet investigation ordered by Commissioner of Police Olohundare Jimoh.
In recent months, multiple women in Lagos have shared alarming accounts on social media, alleging that some drivers deceived or picked them up before robbing, assaulting, or sexually abusing them.
A red Toyota Corolla, with registration number JJJ 226 HT, allegedly used in the crimes, was also recovered.
The suspect remains in custody as investigations continue to trace any possible accomplices.
AMONG the doctrines that underpin the legal process in Nigeria, few are as profound and pervasive as judicial independence, but no doctrine in the ecosystem of the law rivals its elusiveness. The idea is ubiquitous in the syllabus of every programme leading to the award of a degree in law, in political science or public administration. After leaving the university, the practitioner will encounter it regularly in conferences and in after-dinner speeches.
Judicial independence is more than the stuff of law faculties and after-dinner fares. It is a fundamental human right in Nigeria. Indeed, the guarantee of the right to fair trial in section 36(1) of Nigeria’s constitution requires that every court should be “constituted in such a manner as to secure its independence and impartiality.”
Judges have a notional obligation to uphold it. The Code of Conduct for Judicial Officers in Nigeria contains five mentions of the words “independent” or “independence” and obligates them to observe “a high standard of conduct so that the integrity and respect for the independence the judiciary may be preserved.”
Despite the repetitive and obligatory genuflections before its shrine, however, few people take even appearances of judicial independence seriously, and many are these days happy to advertise undisguised ridicule for it.
Take for instance what happened last week. On 29 October, a leading national newspaper ran the headline: “FIRS, Judiciary Strengthen Collaboration on Emerging Tax Laws.” It would have been easy to disregard it as the handiwork of a distracted or mis-informed reported. The reportage, however, belied that.
The National Judicial Institute (NJI) had organised what it called “a capacity-building workshop for Justices of the Supreme Court, Court of Appeal, and Judges of the Federal High Court on (Nigeria’s) new tax law.” Effectively, this was a training for the most senior and most influential judges in Nigeria.
Established in 1991, the NJI is the statutory body responsible for continuing studies or judicial education by judges and magistrates in Nigeria. It is headed by an Administrator, who is a retired senior judge and operates under the governance of a board chaired by the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN). The Board approves all of its activities, including conferences, workshops, and trainings.
The NJI is funded by appropriations from the National Assembly but it also can receive sponsorships sometimes for its activities. The sums had not yet been disclosed at the time of writing but credible reports appear to indicate that the Federal Board of Inland Revenue (FIRS) substantially sponsored this latest training on the new tax laws. It is suggested, however, that the sponsorship was generous.
One of the headline speakers at that training for these most senior judges in Nigeria was the Executive Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), who happens to share the same first name as the infamous tax collector in the Christian Holy Book. To minimise the association with its Biblical forebear, the name this time is stylised to “Zacch”.
In his address, Executive Chairman, Zaccheus, called “for deeper collaboration between the judiciary and tax authorities to ensure fair interpretation and enforcement.”
The call for collaboration of any sort, whether deep or shallow, between judges and anybody or institution clearly misapprehends the mission of the judiciary or invites them to be nobbled for value
The call for collaboration of any sort, whether deep or shallow, between judges and anybody or institution clearly misapprehends the mission of the judiciary or invites them to be nobbled for value. It is not immediately clear if the judges had any response for Zaccheus on this occasion. There, however, is evidence on the basis of previous conduct which offers us some clues.
This is far from a first in recent times for a senior public official to seek to corrupt the judiciary under the guise of seeking their collaboration. In his memoirs, The Accidental Public Servant, former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory and immediate past Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir el-Rufai, proudly tells the story of how as minister two decades ago, he led his staff to meet his High School senior, Lawal Hassan Gummi, who served in his time as Chief Judge of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory.
Following that meeting, he gloated, “the FCT judiciary supported us strongly throughout my tenure.” The manner of the support is clear from the fact that it subsequently became nearly impossible to secure any orders against the FCT administration while those two were in office. The few cases that escaped this institutionalised nobbling did not survive to enforcement.
Two years ago, in November 2023, the incumbent Chief Judge of the Federal Capital Territory, Husseini Baba Yusuf, led the Bench of his court to the office of Nasir el-Rufai’s current successor as the Minister of the FCT, Nyesom Wike. At the meeting, the Chief Judge reminded the Minister that “as a judiciary we are part of the government and we expect that we should be able to do things that should make government work….”
As an act of prostitution of judicial powers, it is impossible to beat this. He did not have to wait too long to make good on this institutional willingness to be at the equestrian beck and call of the FCT Minister. When the FCT High Court filled judicial vacancies on its bench in the first quarter of 2024, they dutifully allocated one out of the twelve new vacancies on offer to the FCT Minister, to which he promptly deputed his sister-in-law.
This is far from the only way in which the politicians ensure that the courts are no longer constituted or able to fulfill the basic constitutional requirement of independence.
In July 2022 apparently, as he swore in a new Chief Judge for the state, Imo State Governor, Hope Uzodinma, at the same time procured the State House of Assembly to amend the High Court Law. Under the new amendment, where there is no substantive Chief Judge, the power to manage and assign cases in the High Court is transferred from the most senior judge (who is supposed to act until a new Chief Judge is appointed) to the Chief Registrar of the High Court.
There are well-founded suspicions that this amendment was procured a little more recently but backdated to 2022 to make it look older than it is in order to amputate the judicial role of the recently sworn-in Acting Chief Judge, Ijeoma Ogugua, whom the governor has been entirely unenthusiastic to allow into the role. The Acting Chief Judge functions under the authority of the National Judicial Council (NJC), in whose composition the Governor has no role.
By contrast, the Chief Registrar is appointed by the State Judicial Service Commission whose members are entirely beholden to the State Governor. In other words, by depriving the Chief Judge of the power over judicial dockets and case assignment and transferring it to the Chief Registrar, the Governor effectively makes himself the owner, controller, and manager of all cases filed in the High Court of Imo State.
This is an arrangement that makes the life of the Chief Registrar unbearable and that of the Acting Chief Judge untenable. Almost assuredly, it is also manifestly unconstitutional.
Unconstitutional is, however, not a standard that necessarily or at all bothers these peddlers of political roguery. In their books, the judges are there to be massaged in public and ransacked in private. Preachments about judicial independence are there to impress law students, pre-occupy their teachers, and distract the un-initiated. Sadly, the current leadership of the judiciary at various levels at both state and federal levels have been complicit partners in this very political ravishing of their institutional virtues.
Increasingly, doctrines of judicial independence serve only one purpose: to render the judges independent of accountability for breaching it. The value of judicial independence, rather ironically, now lies in the absence of accountability for publicly flouting it.
