THE enduring crisis in Rivers State has raised fundamental questions about the nature of powerplay, politics, and governance in Nigeria. Specifically, it has, again, brought to the front burner the debate about the nature of relationship between political godfather and godson.
At the heart of the ongoing maelstrom is the fierce battle for supremacy between the embattled governor of the oil rich state, Siminalayi Fubara, and his perceived political godfather, Nyesom Wike. The former appears to be facing a titanic battle in his quest to assert authority and maintain control over his immediate predecessor, who currently holds sway as the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).
For keen watchers of the unfolding political drama in Rivers State, the battle for political supremacy between godfathers and godsons did not start with Wike and Fubara. Since the return to democracy in 1999, political godsons in the state have had to part ways with their estranged godfathers.
For instance, soon after occupying the Creek House, Peter Odili, parted ways with his erstwhile godfather, the late Harry Marshall. Odili was eventually driven out of town after his tenure by his successor, Rotimi Amaechi, who was his political godson.
Nyesom Wike, an erstwhile Chief of Staff and political enforcer for Rotimi Amaechi also fought and severed relations with Amaechi, his former godfather in a bitter feud that lingered for over eight years.
Godfather, godson conflicts in Nigeria
Checks by The ICIR show that conflicts between political godfathers and their estranged godsons are not peculiar to Rivers State. Some of the epic battles since 1999 include that of former Governor Chimaroke Nnamani of Enugu State and his political godfather, Jim Nwobodo; former Governor Mala Kachallah of Borno State and his godfather, Ali Modu Sherriff; ex-Governor Chris Ngige and his godfather, Andy Uba in Anambra State; ex-Governor Willie Obiano and his godfather, Peter Obi in Anambra State, and former Governor Rauf Aregbesola and his godson, Gboyega Oyetola in Osun State.
Other examples are, ex- Governor Orji Uzor Kalu of Abia State and his former godson, Theodore Orji; ex- Governor Chimaroke Nnamani and his godson, Sullivan Chime in Enugu State, former Governor Musa Kwankwaso and his erstwhile protege, Umar Ganduje in Kano State, Adams Oshiomhole and his former godson Godwin Obaseki in Edo State; former Governor Ibrahim Wamakko and his former godson, Aminu Tambuwal in Sokoto State; former Governor Liyel Imoke and his erstwhile godson, Ben Ayade in Cross Rivers State; former Governor George Akume and his godson, Gabriel Suswan in Benue State, the late Governor Chinwoke Mbadinuju and his godfather Emeka Offor in Anambra State, and the late governor Danbaba Suntai in Taraba State and his estranged godfather, Jolly Nyame, a reverend.
Although many of the fights ended in favour of the godsons, some of the godfathers who could not succeed in dislodging their successors aligned with other forces either to thwart their second term ambitions or get them removed by the election petition tribunals.
How things fell apart between Fubara, Wike
No sooner had the footsteps of guests who had attended the inauguration of Governor Fubara faded away than signs began to emerge that the political honeymoon between Fubara and Wike was over. The theatrics of Rivers politics started witnessing scenes of dramatic events that clearly indicated things were falling apart.
Findings show that it all started when the list of commissioners, special advisers and other key aides, as well as their portfolios, was reportedly handed over to Fubara, by his predecessor, Wike. Fubara was said to have had no input into his cabinet appointments as his ‘godfather’ was solely responsible for their selection and appointment.
The resignation of some of the commissioners afterwards was believed to be a confirmation that they were not the governor’s choices but imposed by Wike.
Some of those who resigned from the Fubara led State Executive had worked as commissioners under the administration of Wike for eight years before being reappointed by Fubara.
The political turbulence took another dramatic turn when 27 lawmakers defected from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in the state to the All-Progressives Congress (APC). This development which sparked fresh power tussle between Fubara and Wike forced the legislators to relocate to the Government House in Port Harcourt for their sessions, raising questions about the separation of powers as well as the legitimacy of the laws passed by the state assembly.
This was followed by the alleged setting of the State House of Assembly ablaze by political thugs believed to be loyal to the governor.
The ICIR reports that the political brouhaha also led to initial moves to impeach Governor Fubara, and the consequent declaration of the defected lawmakers’ seats vacant by a factional Speaker of the State Assembly loyal to the governor.
Although President Bola Tinubu had intervened, proposing an eight-point peace agreement aimed at restoring harmony in the troubled state, the crisis failed to abate. Among other things, the agreement, which was signed by both parties, required that, “All matters instituted in the courts by the Governor of Rivers State shall be withdrawn immediately.”
The agreement also provided that, “All impeachment proceedings initiated against the governor of Rivers State by the House of Assembly should be dropped immediately…”
However, implementation became another controversial issue with governor Fabura challenging some of the provisions in the peace deal.
Supreme Court’s bombshell
The crisis reached a crescendo with the Supreme Court’s ruling validating the defection of the 27 lawmakers from the PDP to APC.
The court also ruled that the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Accountant-General of the Federation must halt further release of budgetary allocations to Rivers State until a valid Appropriation Act is passed by a legally constituted House of Assembly.
Also, the apex court overturned the previous ruling of the Court of Appeal, which had held that the Federal High Court lacked jurisdiction over cases related to Rivers State funds. It further nullified the local government elections conducted in Rivers on October 5, 2024, stating that they violated relevant laws.
Ijaw groups read riot act as Wike taunts Fubara over possible impeachment
Reacting to the judgment, Wike during a media live chat on Wednesday, March 12, said Fubara should be impeached if he has commited an impeachable offence. He expressed frustration over the situation, emphasising the importance of upholding the rule of law and criticising those in the governor’s inner circle.
“Politics is not play. If you have committed an offence to be impeached, what’s wrong if you have committed an infraction of the constitution, and the assembly deems it fit to say you should be impeached?
“I have heard people say, ‘Oh, if they impeach him, there will be a breakdown of law and order.’ Rubbish! Nothing will happen,” Wike said.
Wike said for peace to return in the state, the governor must do the right thing, stressing that Fubara must represent the 2025 budget to the State Assembly led by Martin Amaewhule, and also resubmit the names of his commissioners for clearance.
“What is important is, let the right thing be done. When the right things are done, there will be peace. But if the right thing is not done, how would you say you want peace? Peace is predicated on doing the right thing.
“Go and re-present the budget, go and submit the list of the commissioners. You cannot do illegality,” Wike said.
Wike’s impeachment comments were in apparent reference to the warning by the Ijaw National Congress (INC) and the Ijaw Youths Council (IYC) to the effect that impeaching Governor Fubara, could rupture the peace enjoyed in the state or disrupt oil production.
Benjamin Okaba, the INC president, a professor, said, “If Governor Fubara’s tenure is truncated by the Martin Amaewhule-led Assembly or anybody else, the INC cannot guarantee the sustenance of the current peace in the Niger Delta, nor the continued rise in oil production.”
Fubara’s olive branch rejected?
Although the embattled Governor has assured that his administration will fully implement the Supreme Court judgment, emerging signals from the state indicate that there are still many rivers for him to cross.
While inaugurating the new Judges’ Quarters, at Old GRA, in Port Harcourt, Fubara said, “It has not been an easy 16 months, but what is important is the interest of our state, which must be above our personal interest.
“The Supreme Court has given a judgement, and my administration is going to implement the judgement to its fullest. The reason is clear: It is not about me, it is about the good of this State.”
While alluding to the quantum of loss, in terms of money expended in prosecuting the political crisis, on both sides, Fabura said such financial resources and other efforts would be more profitable, if they were synergised and channelled to courses that promoted the genuine well-being and good of the state, adding that something more assuring would have been showcased.
However, an apparent move to extend an olive branch to the Martins Amaewhule led members of the divided State Assembly, failed as the lawmakers refused to attend a peace meeting scheduled for Monday March 10.
The governor had, in a letter signed by the secretary to the state government, Tammy Danagogo, invited the speaker, Martins Amaewhule, and the other 26 lawmakers for a peace meeting in Government House.
Danagogo, in the letter dated March 7, said the invitation came after the Fubara received a Certified True Copy (CTC) of the Supreme Court judgement on the political crisis in the state.
At the top of the agenda of the meeting were the presentation of the 2025 budget to the assembly, payment of allowances of the lawmakers, allocation of a sitting venue for the assembly and others.
However, the meeting that was to hold 10 am at Government House, Port Harcourt, could not hold because the lawmakers did not show up. The lawmakers had reportedly turned down the invitation on the grounds that it was not properly handled and only posted on social media platforms.
One of the invitees, the member representing Akuku-Toru Constituency II, Rivers State House of Assembly, was quoted as stating that the lawmakers would not honour the invitation.
He reportedly said, “It is time for us to have our day… How can you write a letter and post it on social media and expect us to come? No, we are not kids. The governor should write to the Assembly in a proper way; that is all.”
However, a drama ensued at the State House of Assembly complex on Wednesday March 12 when Fubara arrived at the quarters for the presentation of the 2025 budget only to meet the entrance gate locked.
The security personnel at the complex were said to have locked the gates when the governor’s convoy arrived at the complex, hinging their action on the position that there was no official communication between the governor and the Assembly.
So, the pertinent question is whether Governor Fubara is holding the short end of the stick.
The answer is complex and multifaceted. On one hand, the governor’s inability to get the assembly on his side is an indication of his weakened position. Furthermore, observers say the Supreme Court’s ruling handed a significant advantage to the APC, leaving the embattled governor with the short end of the stick.
Fubara’s predicament is further compounded by the fact that the APC, now firmly in control of the assembly, has vowed to scrutinise his every move, including his budget proposals and appointments. This level of legislative oversight, while legitimate, has the potential to cripple his ability to govern effectively.
However, others say Fubara’s fate may not be entirely sealed. “The governor still retains significant executive powers, including the ability to appoint and dismiss officials, grant pardons, and exercise emergency powers in times of crisis.
“Moreover, Fubara’s PDP still maintains a strong presence in the state, and the governor can potentially mobilise popular support to counterbalance the APC’s legislative dominance,” a political analyst, said.
The analyst, who preferred anonymity, said Fubara’s survival will depend on his ability to navigate the treacherous waters of Rivers State politics.
The governor must walk a fine line between asserting his authority and avoiding confrontation with the APC-dominated assembly. He must also cultivate alliances with other stakeholders, including traditional rulers, civil society groups, and the federal government,” the source said.
Tinubu meets PANDEF, urges Fubara to comply with court ruling
During a meeting with representatives of the Pan-Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF) at the Presidential Villa in Abuja on Tuesday March 11, President Bola Tinubu urged them to counsel Governor Fubara on the need to comply with court rulings on the crisis in the state.
Obong Victor Attah, a former governor of Akwa Ibom, and Alfred Papapreye Diete-Spiff, Amanyanabo of Twon-Brass Kingdom; were among the PANDEF leaders who attended the meeting.
Recalling his earlier intervention in the crisis with an agreement signed with the warring parties, Tinubu said, “Yes, Niger Delta is the goose that lays the golden egg. We must care for the goose; otherwise, we lose the golden egg.
“We reached an agreement, written agreement, and both parties signed. This is a nation governed by the rule of law. I should not be here as president without rule of law. I have total confidence in our judiciary. We have expectations. Human beings can make errors. But once the court has spoken, that is it.
Will the curtains at Government House, Port Harcourt eventually fall against Governor Fubara? Only time will tell.
