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Fleeing the ‘Food Basket’ : Farmer-herder conflict, killings, forcing Benue communities to migrate (I)

Editorial
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Fleeing the ‘Food Basket’ : Farmer-herder conflict, killings, forcing Benue communities to migrate (I)

By Babatunde TITILOLA

FOR years, rural communities across Makurdi, Guma, and Logo local government areas of Benue State have lived under the shadow of armed violence, with farmers caught at the centre of repeated attacks that have killed residents, destroyed villages, and emptied farmlands. This investigation tracks displaced farmers across these villages, from the homes they were forced to flee to the places they now seek safety, revealing a pattern of brutal killings, forced migration, and the slow abandonment of agricultural life in one of Nigeria’s most important food-producing regions.

Read the second part HERE.

‘You won’t come back alive’

It was not said as a threat. It was said quietly, almost as a plea, the kind of statement that carries more exhaustion than fear.

Michael Passenger, a 47-year-old farmer from Che-Ayagwa village in the Guma Local Government Area of Benue State, took a step back when he first saw this reporter approach, unsure who he was or what he represented. Only after he introduced himself did he relax slightly.

A deserted village about 2 kilometres from Che Ayagwa village

Still, when this reporter asked if they could walk to the farmlands, beyond the river that now marks the boundary between the villagers and armed herders, his voice changed. His warning on not coming ‘back alive’ came from six years of loss, displacement, and watching a community slowly disappear.

Two long journeys, one mission

Getting to Makurdi, the capital of Benue State, already felt like a journey into a story that few outside the region understand. From Lagos, this reporter flew to Abuja and then travelled six hours by road, watching the urban skyline fade into long stretches of farmland and quiet settlements.

There is no commercial airport in the state, and perhaps that distance, physical and symbolic, mirrors how removed these communities are from national attention. Yet this is Benue, widely known as Nigeria’s “food basket”, a state whose fertile land once fed millions, now increasingly defined by fear, silence, and forced migration.

The purpose of the investigation was to track farmers who have become victims of insecurity, and to document how years of farmer-herder clashes, kidnappings, and killings are forcing them to abandon their ancestral homes and farmlands.

Across several villages visited by this reporter in the Makurdi, Guma, and Logo LGAS of the state, farmlands now lie empty, not because the soil has failed, but because the people who used to work it no longer dare to return.

Many have sought refuge in neighbouring communities, while others have been spending years in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps, torn between the memory of home and the uncertainty of return.

On-site investigations revealed that what is happening in Benue is not just a security crisis; it is a quiet form of forced displacement. Families are scattered, livelihoods destroyed, and agricultural production is shrinking with every abandoned farming field.

A village under siege

In Che-Ayagwa, fear is now part of daily routine. Michael’s 30-acre farm still exists, just across the river, but it has been inaccessible for years.

“They are living on the other side of the river now,” he said.

The land has changed hands, not through sale or inheritance, but through violence and absence.

After Michael said this reporter would not come back alive if he went beyond the river, he was not only talking about the path across the other side. He was describing the reality of a people who no longer sleep indoors, who keep watch through the night, who measure survival in days rather than seasons, and who farm memories instead of land.

It was soon discovered that his story is not an exception in Benue; it is the pattern.The 47-year-old has lived in Che-Ayagwa his entire life. It is the village where he was born, and where he once cultivated 30 acres of farmland.

According to him, the violence that changed everything began six years ago. “We lost 35 villagers that day,” he said.

47 year old Michael Passenger standing beside a friends grave

The memory remains sharp. On that day, one of the villagers had gone to the riverside and noticed smoke rising from the bush. Alarmed, he ran back to inform the residents. But the warning was not taken seriously. Life continued as normal.

That evening, everyone gathered at the village centre, watching television, unaware that it would be the last normal night for many of them.

Later, after they had returned to their huts, the gunshots began.

“By the time I stepped outside to see what was going on, what I saw were dead bodies,” Michael recalled.

From that night, Che-Ayagwa stopped being just a village. Residents said it became a place under siege, and the river that runs close to the community turned into an invisible border between life and death.

On the other side of the river lie the farmlands, once the community’s economic lifeline. But now, those fields are abandoned.

“Since then, we do not go beyond the river where our farms are,” he said.

The fear is not based on rumours or distant reports. It is renewed constantly. Just the night before the conversation with Michael, another villager had been killed while attempting to sneak into his farm to gather what to eat.

“They even killed one of us yesterday (January 29) when he attempted to go to his farm to gather what he could sell or cook for his family. People are hungry here.”

Sometimes, Michael says, the attackers can be seen from afar, standing across the river, close enough to be visible and to remind the villagers that they are being watched.

“If you go to the river, you will see them sometimes far away, but crossing to the other side is dangerous.”

A weird survival plan

The danger does not stop at the farmlands. The violence often spills into the village itself. According to Michael, there are times when armed herders enter Che-Ayagwa without warning. When that happens, the community has developed its own survival routine.

“When they come, we will quickly tell all the children to run away while we, the old ones, stay with them. If they want to kill us, at least they will not be able to pursue the children.”

He said it is a strategy built on sacrifice. They accept death as a possibility as long as the younger ones have a chance to live.

Michael spoke of other villagers whose lives have been permanently altered. One man lost his first child and saw his second child injured by gunfire. Although the bullet was removed, the damage never fully healed.

A family of 6 was buried here after an attack in Che Ayagwa

“A villager… they slaughtered his first child and shot his second child. Despite removing the bullet, his hand has never remained the same.”

Findings showed that the attacks have reshaped not just movement, but sleep, space, and the meaning of safety itself. Homes are no longer places of rest.

“We do not sleep indoors anymore. We sleep outside just in case they attack,” Michael said, pointing to the space where he sleeps every night, adding that, “We sleep beside graves.”

For Michael and many others like him, abandoning their farms did not happen overnight. It happened slowly, through fear, repeated attacks, and the realisation that returning to the fields could mean not returning at all. The farmlands remain untouched, not because they have abandoned farming, but because farming has become a risk they can no longer afford.

A pattern of reported attacks across Benue

Findings showed that what is happening in Che-Ayagwa is not isolated. Across Benue State and several parts of Nigeria’s Middle Belt, similar stories have been repeatedly documented by national and international media, human rights organisations, and security reports.

Over the past decade, reports showed herder-related violence has evolved from sporadic clashes into a sustained pattern of armed attacks on rural farming communities.

Multiple reports by Nigerian newspapers, have chronicled waves of attacks in Benue, Plateau, Nasarawa, Southern Kaduna, and parts of Taraba. These reports consistently described armed groups invading villages, killing residents, burning homes, and forcing entire communities to flee.

On February 6, armed herders invaded Anwase market in Mbaikyor council ward of Kwande LGA. The assailants razed the market while the market men and women ran for their lives.

The attack came two days after the attack on Abande community in the same ward council where 17 persons were reportedly killed and several others injured.

According to data from different conflict monitoring organisations, thousands of civilians have been killed in farmer-herder-related violence over the last decade, with Benue State ranking among the most affected. In several years, Benue alone recorded hundreds of deaths, dozens of destroyed communities, and tens of thousands of displaced persons.

In 2018, for instance, coordinated attacks in Guma and Logo local government areas of Benue reportedly left more than 70 people dead within a few days, triggering national outrage and mass displacement. Since then, similar incidents have been recorded almost annually, with communities in Agatu, Kwande, Makurdi outskirts, and Gwer West repeatedly appearing in casualty reports.

In April 2025, after a fresh wave of attacks on villages across Guma, Logo, and Ukum local government areas, the state governor, Hyacinth Alia, told the public that 598 people lost their lives while thousands were left without homes as of April 17, 2025.

Despite the promise of the governor, Hycinth Alia, to improve the security in the affected areas, attacks resumed on May 9 in the three local government areas and also in Kwande, leaving at least 20 people dead.

On June 13, 2025, Yelewata community in Guma local government area was thrown into mourning after assailants attacked the residents, leading to the death of over 100 villagers, including farmers.

Designed by bullets, a village of dead bodies

About 20 minutes away from Che-Ayagwa, along the Abagena expressway leading into Makurdi, the capital city, another village tells a similar story.

It was a sunny Thursday afternoon, and Oluga Akerenyi was under the big tree in front of his house. Lying on a mat and receiving the cool breeze that the tree’s leaves could offer, his wives sat on a bench beside him as the family traded in conversations.

Akerenyi has been the village head for years, but he said the attacks began three years ago, marking the start of a cycle of violence that the community has not recovered from.

“We were all taking in fresh air the night they attacked us,” he said.

According to the chief, the assault came suddenly. People ran in different directions, trying to escape, but many were unable to move fast enough.

“Everyone ran, but some were caught either by bullets or machetes. There was blood everywhere,” he said.

Oluga Akerenyi

He explained that during recent attacks, a substance was released into the air, making it difficult for villagers to breathe and slowing them down as they tried to flee.

“There was a particular chemical they released into the air as people were running. This chemical stopped people from breathing well, so it slowed their movement and allowed the attackers to catch up with them,” he narrated.

Since then, large parts of the village have been abandoned, especially the areas closest to where the attackers are believed to emerge from.

“Because of the attacks, we decided to abandon the huts that are close to where the attackers always come from,” the chief said.

While some residents fled Abagena entirely, others had nowhere else to go. Even those who tried to leave eventually returned, not because the village was safe, but because survival outside it proved impossible.

“We once left the village, but there was nothing for us to live on outside, so some of us came back,” he said.

Like many farmers across Benue, the chief has also lost his livelihood. His farmlands are no longer accessible.

“We cannot go to our farms anymore because they are there. I used to have six acres, but not anymore. Now we are just trying to cultivate whatever we can inside the village.”

The scale of loss in Abagena is visible everywhere. According to Akerenyi, the community has buried hundreds of people since the attacks began.

“There are more than 100 graves in this village,” he said. “For some people, we do not even build proper graves. We just dig the ground, do the necessary rites, and cover it.”

He pointed to a nearby compound along the path leading to his home, describing it as one of many silent reminders of what the village has endured.

“The hut you passed to meet me here was a place where someone was recently killed. They chased the man and caught up with him before they cut him into pieces and beheaded him. They took the head around the village before throwing it away,” he narrated.

Headless father buried beside wife, four children

Akerenyi led this reporter to the compound where he narrated how an entire family was wiped out when the attackers entered their compound at night during one of the invasions.

“They burnt the first compound they entered and killed everyone there. It was a family of six. The father was beheaded, and the wife and four children were shot to death,” he said.

Pointing to the graveyard where the family were buried, he said the villagers buried the husband without his head.

Graves in Che Ayagwa

The psychological toll has been just as devastating as the physical losses. According to the chief, displacement has changed the geography of fear.

“We have heard that some Fulani herdsmen have migrated to the other side of the road. Now we are in their middle. They can surround us from both sides at any time,” he said.

Like Che-Ayagwa, this village has not been officially evacuated. Findings revealed that there are no formal relocation plans, no permanent security presence, and no realistic path back to normal life. What remains is a community surviving in fragments, farming within fences, sleeping with fear, counting graves, and living with the constant knowledge that safety is temporary and survival is accidental.

Common patterns

Moving through several villages and informal settlements across Benue State, a pattern was discovered. The footpaths wound between clusters of mud houses, opening into small squares and narrow side lanes, each compound separated by low walls and patches of dry earth.

But across all the spaces, regardless of layout or size, one feature was common. In nearly every compound, beside homes that were still occupied and others already abandoned, there was at least one grave. Some were carefully marked, others barely distinguishable from the surrounding soil, but their presence cut across each village, turning private living spaces into shared sites of mourning and making death a permanent part of every community’s physical landscape.

In one of the villages, residents led the reporter to a recently abandoned compound, its doors left open and household items still scattered across the rooms as if the occupants had only stepped out briefly.

The family, they explained, had fled to one of the IDP camps in the state after losing two relatives who were killed on their farmlands during one of the attacks. Since then, no one has returned to the house. Neighbours said the family could no longer bear the fear of staying in a place filled with memories of loss and fear.

‘Abducted villagers are used as shields’

A rescue worker and state coordinator of the Grassroots Development Monitoring and Advocacy Centre in the North Central region, Yinka Razzaq, said attacks in vulnerable communities are often coordinated to overwhelm any available security forces.

“The attacks often occur at the same time to create distraction for military intervention. One can happen in Kwara and another in Niger within a short period. It diverts strategy and weakens response.”

He said casualties are handled quickly, but abductions complicate rescue efforts.

“The injured are rushed to hospitals. The dead are buried almost immediately. Those abducted remain with the attackers and are sometimes used as shields during military operations, which makes rescue difficult and opens room for ransom negotiations.”

Razzaq described victims as “psychologically distressed and emotionally traumatised,” adding that families struggle to cope months after attacks.

He identified poor road networks, weak infrastructure, and delayed military response as major gaps, calling for improved security presence, better access roads, and grassroots early-warning systems to curb recurring violence.

Cost beyond human lives

According to several reports, the humanitarian consequences are severe. The National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) and the Benue State Emergency Management Agency have, at different times, confirmed the existence of multiple internally displaced persons (IDP) camps across the state, housing thousands of people who fled rural communities due to armed violence.

65-year-old Tyo Ugba at the Ugba IDP camp

Findings revealed that many of these camps have existed for years, effectively becoming permanent settlements.

Human rights groups have also raised concerns about the militarisation of what was once described as communal conflict.

Investigations now point to the use of sophisticated weapons, coordinated movements, and organised armed groups, indicating that the violence has long outgrown simple disputes over grazing routes or farmland.

Across the villages visited in the state, farmers shared that the impact goes beyond loss of life. Agricultural production in affected areas has sharply declined. In a state officially described as Nigeria’s “food basket”, insecurity has turned farmlands into danger zones, crops rot unharvested, planting seasons are missed, and rural economies collapse quietly.

In early January, The United Nations World Food Programme announced that Nigeria is facing one of the worst hunger crises in recent times, as nearly 35 million people are projected to experience acute and severe food insecurity during the 2026 lean season, according to the most recent Cadre Harmonise – the equivalent of the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) for West and Central Africa.

According to WFP’s Nigeria Country Director, David Stevenson, renewed violence has devastated fragile rural communities, displacing families, destroying food reserves, and accelerating alarming levels of hunger and insecurity.

“In the past four months alone, 3.5 million people were forced to flee their homes, with 80 per cent of these located in the country’s north.”

A global provider of early warning and analysis on acute food insecurity, the Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS Net), has said worsening conflict across the North West and North Central continues to disrupt agricultural activities, eroding livelihoods, and forcing large numbers of households to flee their communities.

In its Nigeria Food Security Outlook (Oct 2025 – May 2026), FEWS Net noted that, “Escalating conflict across northern Nigeria is driving an increase in needs through July. As the 2026 lean season progresses, conflict and high inflation will continue to impede agricultural activities and other income-earning opportunities.

“Widespread Crisis outcomes are expected across the north, with Emergency outcomes in the most heavily conflict-affected local government areas in the Northeast, where households face severely restricted mobility and poor market access, and humanitarians are unable to deliver food assistance.”

The group projected that by July, 2026, more than 20 million Nigerians would be facing “food consumption gaps which are reflected by high or above-usual acute malnutrition; will marginally able to meet minimum food needs but only by depleting essential livelihood assets or through crisis-coping strategies; or have large food consumption gaps which are reflected in very high acute malnutrition and excess mortality.”

This report was commissioned with support from the Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development (CJID) under a journalism support initiative funded by the Royal Norwegian Embassy and is the first of a two-part series.

 

BVN restriction: data privacy lawyers sue CBN over ‘one-time’ phone number update rule

Zainab ABDULRASAQ
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BVN restriction: data privacy lawyers sue CBN over ‘one-time’ phone number update rule

LEGAL experts and data privacy advocates under the auspices of the Incorporated Trustees of the Data Privacy Lawyers Association (DPLA) and Etisang Solomon have filed a fundamental rights enforcement suit at the Federal High Court, Kaduna Judicial Division, against the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN).

The suit, officially stamped by the court on April 8, 2026, seeks to nullify a CBN circular that restricts bank customers to a single lifetime amendment of phone numbers linked to their Bank Verification Numbers (BVN).

The circular titled “Addendum to the Revised Regulatory Framework for Bank Verification Number (BVN) Operations and Watchlist for the Nigerian Banking Industry,” was issued by the apex bank on March 12, 2026.

According to the provisions of clause (c) in that document, any amendment to phone numbers linked to a BVN shall be allowed only once, with the new provisions set to take effect from May 1, 2026.

Reacting to the CBN directive, legal experts and data privacy advocates argue that this timeline and the restriction itself violate multiple provisions of the 1999 constitution and the Nigeria Data Protection Act (NDPA).

They are seeking nine reliefs from the court, including declarations that the circular violates section 37 of the constitution regarding the right to privacy, Section 24(1)(e) and 34(1)(c) of the NDPA, along with orders nullifying the impugned clause, a perpetual injunction restraining the CBN from enforcing it, and a mandamus directing the CBN to review and amend the circular.

In an affidavit sworn on behalf of the applicants, Christopher Yange highlighted the practical dangers of the policy, noting that telecommunications providers frequently recycle, deactivate, or reassign numbers that have been lost or stolen.

He cited a report from the Foundation for Investigative Journalism (FIJ) to demonstrate that phone numbers are not static assets.

Furthermore, the legal experts and data privacy advocates also contend that if a customer’s number is compromised after their single permitted update, they would be permanently barred from correcting their financial records, leaving sensitive data such as transaction alerts and One-Time Passwords (OTPs) vulnerable to interception by third parties.

The applicants’ counsel, Olumide Babalola, Emmanuel Okpara, and Frank Ijege of Olumide Babalola LP, in a detailed written address spanning over 12 pages, framed the case around three core legal issues.

They argued on the first issue that a phone number associated with a BVN transcends basic administrative data, serving instead as a vital conduit for financial security, including transaction notifications, OTPs, and authentication protocols.

To bolster this claim, they pointed to several legal precedents. Among these was the 2021 Court of Appeal ruling in Digital Rights Lawyers Initiative v National Identity Management Commission (NIMC), which affirmed that constitutional privacy rights encompass the safeguarding of personal data.

Additionally, they referenced the 2025 decision in Omotayo versus Airtel Networks, where the Court of Appeal reiterated that the privacy of telecommunications and call records is protected under the constitution.

On the second issue,they  argued that by permitting only a single update, the CBN essentially grants itself a permanent power of veto over a citizen’s right to correct their data, a move that directly contradicts the clear language of the law.

To support this claim, they referenced the 2024 High Court of Lagos ruling in Rebecca Temitope Bonje versus Guaranty Trust Bank Plc, which upheld the legal requirement for data precision and the right to rectification as mandated by the NDPA.

Concerning the third legal point, the applicants argued that the single-amendment restriction serves as a rigid, all-encompassing mandate.

They noted that it fails to consider valid circumstances like the loss or physical damage of a SIM card, switching service providers, the recycling of phone numbers, or moving to a new line for personal safety.

The legal team maintained that the apex bank could achieve its anti-fraud objectives through less restrictive measures, such as advanced identity checks, multi-factor authentication, or short-term account freezes for security verification, without compromising the fundamental rights of bank customers.

The affidavit further claims the CBN’s directive lacks good faith, citing a lack of public evidence or regulatory impact assessments.

It also highlights a failure to consult stakeholders across the banking, telecom, and data protection sectors, the absence of a structured appeal process for device loss or errors, and a general lack of alignment with the NDPA.

The lawsuit, as documented by TheNigeriaLawyer, pursues several key reliefs: a declaration that the circular is unconstitutional and breaches the NDPA; the nullification of clause (c) of the addendum; and a perpetual injunction against the phone number amendment limit.

Furthermore, it seeks a mandamus to compel the CBN to revise the circular in line with constitutional and data accuracy standards, alongside an order for the bank to implement a flexible and verifiable update framework.

World Bank withdraws Nigeria development report following controversial ‘fuel import’ stance

Zainab ABDULRASAQ
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World Bank withdraws Nigeria development report following controversial ‘fuel import’ stance

THE World Bank has withdrawn the latest Nigeria Development Update (NDU) from its website, pulling the document just days after its April 7, 2026, publication.

The publication, titled “Nigeria’s Tomorrow Must Start Today: The Case for Early Childhood Development,” became inaccessible on April 10, 2026, following a wave of public scrutiny over the institution’s advisory on fuel policy.

While the full document remains offline, the Washington-based bank issued a clarifying statement to address the growing backlash over its position on Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) importation.

In its clarification, the World Bank noted that suggestions to allow petrol imports must be weighed against the need for energy security.

The institution shifted the immediate focus toward domestic welfare, stating that:

“In the case of Nigeria, the focus should be to provide targeted support to the most vulnerable people through their well-functioning social safety net system, and the World Bank Group stands ready to step up its existing support.”

While the bank maintained that moving toward a competitive retail market remains an important policy direction, it cautioned that such a transition requires a well-sequenced implementation strategy that guarantees the quality and standards of all petroleum products.

Before its removal, the report offered a cautiously optimistic assessment of Nigeria’s fiscal health, noting that inflation had cooled to 15.1 per cent in February 2026, down from 26.3 per cent recorded the previous year.

The bank credited this moderation to tighter monetary policy and improved food supply conditions. Despite these positive indicators, it acknowledged ongoing efforts to stabilise the domestic fuel market, adding:

“The World Bank Group recognises the efforts of the Government of Nigeria and the Nigerian private sector in taking concrete steps to safeguard fuel supply — a foundation that is essential to protect consumers and businesses.”

The biannual publication, which typically assesses Nigeria’s economic and social conditions and offers policy guidance, also indicated that early 2026 economic indicators pointed to sustained growth across sectors, despite mild pressures from global geopolitical tensions.

The World Bank has not provided an official explanation regarding the removal of the April 2026 edition, as the “page not found” error persists for users as of the time of filing this report.

Here’s what the website says after clicking the link

For now, only the accompanying press statements remain public, leaving the detailed policy recommendations within the full NDU unavailable and raising fresh questions about the bank’s position on Nigeria’s fuel policy direction.

ADC crisis: Lawyers divide over NBA’s position on court involvement in party matters

Nurudeen AKEWUSHOLA
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ADC crisis: Lawyers divide over NBA’s position on court involvement in party matters

LEGAL practitioners have expressed divergent views over a recent statement by the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) warning lawyers and courts against involvement in the internal affairs of political parties ahead of the 2027 general elections.

While some lawyers backed the NBA’s position as a necessary step to safeguard democracy, others faulted it, arguing that it undermines constitutional rights, particularly the right to a fair hearing.

A Lagos-based lawyer, Muhammed Adam, criticised the statement, saying it does not reflect the association’s collective position.

“With due respect, I think the NBA President needs to separate his personal opinion from the opinion of the Association. This cannot be the position of the Association on matters like this,” he said.

Similarly, human rights lawyer Emmanuel Ogar argued that the NBA’s reliance on Section 83 of the Electoral Act 2026 fails to recognise the supremacy of the Constitution.

“The right to fair hearing is a constitutional right, and where a person alleges that their rights (under any circumstances) have been violated, those individuals have the right to fair hearings or the right to seek redress in court,” he said.

Ogar described any attempt to oust the jurisdiction of courts as inconsistent with Section 36(1) of the 1999 Constitution, stressing that “no law or authority is superior to the Constitution.”

He added that while courts should be cautious in granting interlocutory orders capable of stalling democratic processes, they cannot be barred from exercising judicial powers where rights are allegedly violated.

“Finally, threatening lawyers or judges in statements is, on its own, totally unacceptable. The NBA is not a political party to make statements, advising parties or INEC on matters pending before the Court, also, the NBA and its leadership, cannot constitute itself to a Court to give a conclusive interpretation of the law or give verdict based on what the leadership believes is the true position of the law, no matter how persuasive the facts appears before it,” he added.

Also weighing in, another Lagos-based lawyer, Ridwan Oke, cited judicial precedents to support litigants’ right to approach the courts.

Citing the case of Inakoju versus Adeleke, he noted that courts have historically intervened in political matters where due process was breached.

“Imagine if Lawyers had refused to go to court because the Constitution purportedly ousted the jurisdiction of the Court? So, who are you to deny people their fundamental right to a fair hearing by saying they cannot approach the Court? It is only the court that can determine that it has entered its jurisdiction. Not you, a random fellow citizen,” he said.

Oke, however, called for scrutiny of the nature of court orders granted in political cases rather than restricting access to the courts.

On the other hand, some lawyers aligned with the NBA’s position, describing it as a necessary intervention to curb abuse of judicial processes.

Human rights lawyers, Festus Ogun and Inibehe Effiong, strongly backed the association’s stance.

“Any lawyer who has any issue with this statement must stand to be counted as one of the very enemies of Nigeria’s democracy,” Ogun said, commending the NBA leadership.

Effiong also reaffirmed his stance with the NBA’s position.

Another lawyer, Najib Adab Usman, also welcomed the NBA’s warning, noting that unethical practices among lawyers have contributed to the problem.

“Lawyers have lost their collective will to challenge unethical and unprofessional conduct among themselves. I welcome the caution by the NBA to lawyers, the courts, and the Independent National Electoral Commission,” he said.

Usman added that disciplinary measures should be taken against erring practitioners, citing what he described as growing misuse of court processes in politically sensitive cases.

Recall that the lawyer of Nafiu Bello, the ex-ADC national deputy chairman, had filed a suit seeking that INEC recognises him as the authentic ADC chairman, following the resignation of the founder and immediate past chairman, Ralph Nwosu.

The derecognition, which will bar the ADC from fielding a presidential candidate for the 2027 election, has prompted ongoing protests at the INEC headquarters in Abuja, as well as public condemnation of the move by the electoral body, alleging it is helping the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) impose a one-party system in the country

Reacting to the development, the NBA specifically referenced Section 83 of the Act, which bars courts from entertaining cases relating to the internal affairs of political parties and restricts the granting of interim or interlocutory injunctions in such matters.

It decried what it described as a growing trend of lawyers filing suits in violation of the law and courts granting orders contrary to statutory provisions, warning that such practices could undermine democratic processes and turn the judiciary into a tool for political manipulation.

The NBA also cautioned legal practitioners against engaging in forum shopping and filing cases aimed at securing undue political advantage, stressing that such actions amount to abuse of court process and breach of professional responsibility.

It further warned that lawyers found culpable risk facing disciplinary action before the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee, while urging courts to resist being drawn into matters the law expressly prohibits.

 

Herders, locals behind abductions, killings in Ilu-Abo, environs – Olu Falae

Marcus FATUNMOLE
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Herders, locals behind abductions, killings in Ilu-Abo, environs – Olu Falae

ILU-ABO, a community headed by the former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Olu Falae, has become an epicenter of banditry, kidnappings and killings in Nigeria’s South-West. In this exclusive interview with The ICIR’s Marcus Fatunmole, the 87-year-old monarch spoke on the crises, the people behind them, insecurity in Nigeria, Amotekun, state police, among others.

Your community has been at the centre of attacks in the South-West, why are the crises recurring?

Until recently, Ilu-Abo was a very safe and secure community. Even our name “Ilu-Abo, l’abe Oluwa” that’s the name our fathers gave to this place over 125 years ago. But recently, the kidnappers came here, and we’ve been witnessing incidents of kidnapping in close succession. Before that, we had been using our security infrastructures here, using our local hunters, which is about four or five years ago. We bought uniforms for them, gave them torches and local guns because they could not work as security guards without anything at all.

But, unfortunately, the initiative collapsed because of lack of needed support from some community members. When the latest incidents happened, we have done a number of things. If you go round Ilu-Abo, you will see seven check points. The checkpoints have security posts, which we built ourselves.

We have divided Ilu-Abo into seven beats for the police, the military and Amotekun to cover 24/7. The rural beats, Igbajo, Agun and Kajola axis where people farm will be heavily covered during the day because that is when farmers are in their farms. They should feel safe and secure. In the night, there is nobody in those rural areas. They will focus on the towns and communities. We are doing all that. Obas in Akure North met with the governor months ago and proposed what we were doing in Ilu-Abo that each community should be assisted to set up its own security outfit. The governor agreed that it should be done.

He has asked us to do a proposal to cover all the communities in Akure North. We are working on it. When that comes, it will supplement what we are doing. As a result of the frequency of kidnappings here, the military has sent a detachment here, the police have sent their armed officers to support the police station here. Amotekun also has a unit here. So, we have three units of government’s security agencies, plus our own hunters. We are going to coordinate them to ensure that every area is covered day and night.

With what we are doing, we hope that no kidnapping will ever take place here again. If any kidnapper comes, I’m sure he is coming to die, because those security forces will deal with him. They succeeded because we never thought we could be attacked. When you don’t expect any hostility, you’re easy prey. When you don’t expect anybody, somebody can just come and grab you. They did it three times, I pray they never do it again. And by God’s grace, they will not do it again.

When you don’t expect any hostility, you’re easy prey

The government has already assisted us by giving us the detachments of the military, police and Amotekun stationed here. They’ve also promised further help by setting security outfits all over the local governments. All in all, I think government is doing well. We too are more than carrying our burden. We currently have house to house security collection, which we use to support those who mount security checkpoints and make sure that this place is secure. We had a community meeting sometimes ago and we agreed that every household would pay N5,000 per month, not every person, but household. But if you are the only one living in your house, you pay the N5,000.

I’ve always believed that security is a local matter

We take it as a very important matter because it’s our lives that are at stake. I’ve always believed that security is a local matter. If Ilu-Abo is secure, Eleyowo, Oba-Ile, Iju, Itaogbolu, Ayetoro and others are secure, then, the whole of Akure North will be secure. But if we are secure here and Bolorunduro and others are doing nothing, kidnappers will have their bases in those communities, attack us and run back there. However, if those places are security alert, we will all be safe.

We hope that the government’s programme will take off soon so that every community in Akure North will be safe and secure.

Akure North is a gateway to the South-West. What immediate measures are other community leaders in the LGA putting in place to contain the crisis?

I’m the Olu-Abo of Ilu-Abo. Ilu-Abo is my responsibility. Let me give you an example. Bolorunduro is our next-door neighbour. They have Olu Bolorunduro. He wrote to me and said his people had seen the security checkpoints we erected at Oyin Iloro, which is part of Ilu-Abo, next to Bolorunduro. In fact, he took the photographs and sent them to me. He said Baba, please, come and set up three like this in Bolorunduro. I’m not the Oba of Bolorunduro. It’s not my responsibility, unless you ask me to come and annex Bolorunduro and add it to Ilu-Abo, which I’m not inclined to do. They see what we are doing, they know it is good, and they also want to do the same. We are setting the pace in the area of self-help on security.

Do you see this crisis spilling into other South-West states if not contained?

Well, the foundation of security in the South-West is Amotekun, which was spearheaded and initiated by our late governor Aketi. The idea came from a meeting I had with him when he first became governor. I booked an appointment to see him When I got to his office, he wasn’t there. I returned home. A few days later, he came to see me in my house. I told him that the only reason I wanted to see him was about insecurity. Look at this scar (he showed the reporter the scar on his hand), it was inflicted on me by kidnappers, when I was kidnapped in 2015. I said if a man like me could be kidnapped, what is the fate of the ordinary person. I said we must do something in the South-West to make sure that doesn’t happen again. That was the beginning of idea of the South-West Security Network, known as Amotekun.

I thank God that the thing came out of my conversation with late Aketi. When Amotekun was about to the passed into law by the State House of Assembly, we held public hearings on the matter because the Attorney-General of the Federation at that time (Abubakar Malami) was telling them that we could not set up Amotekun. I told the governor to tell him that in the North, there was Hisbah, which is a police force for enforcing Sharia provisions. Hisbah is a state creation. It’s a creation of state house of assembly. So, if they could have Hisbah in the North, we are absolutely right to have Amotekun here.

In fact, Amotekun has not gone as far as Hisbah. Hisbah has all the three powers of a police force: the power to investigate and arrest, the power to detain, and the power to prosecute. All the three are given to Hisbah. Amotekun has limited powers. So, we have no apologies for setting up Amotekun.

Nigeria is one country. How can one region has the right to set up a police force to protect itself and we don’t have the same right down here. Anyway, eventually, Amotekun was established but it still has very limited powers. The arms it can carry are of inferior varieties compared with what even kidnappers carry. However, that’s for another day.

Here, I believe Ondo and Oyo State are the two states in South-West that are very serious about this local security force. When I was going to Lagos, near Ijebu-Ode, I saw cows roaming freely. Ondo State has passed the law against free grazing because the grazing of cattle is what is used to perpetrate evil – the herders during the day, the kidnappers at night. Those who kidnapped me were herders. When they were arrested, the leader said he was herding cattle near my farm. He said his friends told him it was Sallah time, they wanted to do Sallah and they needed money. His friend said he saw a big man who had a farm there. He said if they could abduct him, there would be much money for the Sallah. Then, they came and kidnapped me. What I’m saying is that other states in the South-West outside of Ondo and Oyo, don’t seem to take the Amotekun thing as seriously as it should be.

Those who kidnapped me were herders. When they were arrested, the leader said he was herding cattle near my farm.

We still have cows grazing in Ondo State, but they are committing an illegal act. Whenever cows come into my farm, I’ve told my security people and the police who are there to kill them. They should kill it and I will give it to the villagers to eat.

…open grazing is a criminal offence in this state. If other states in the South-West want to do that, they must. This is because criminality and cattle grazing go hand in hand.

Given the intelligence at your disposal, who are the people abducting your subjects in Ilu-Abo?

Those who kidnapped me were Fulani boys, six of them, virtually all in their twenties.

…I’m talking of the current abductors and killers in Ilu-Abo

They are the same Fulani people; although I suspect our own people. I’ve now discovered it is good business. For example, last week, in Akure town, at St David’s School, there’s a health centre there. At 2:am, people went and kidnapped the nurses. Those were not Fulani people. Fulanis don’t operate in towns. They operate in the bush. These were our own people. They’ve learnt from the Fulanis that there’s money in this business.

Some are even kidnapping themselves and announcing they’ve been kidnapped to make money.

Yes, the Fulanis are the main offenders, perpetrators of these criminal acts, but some of our own indigenous people have learnt from them and are making money. They are organising kidnapping on their own. Some are even kidnapping themselves and announcing they’ve been kidnapped to make money.

How do you see Nigeria today, and what do you see ahead?

I characterise Nigeria’s security situation in relation to my own personal history. When I was 14, I went to Igbobi College, Lagos. I would go, I was in the boarding house. After three months, we would be on holiday, I travelled to Akure by myself. I did that until I left school in 1957. Nothing happened to me. In fact, on one occasion, my first time at Igbobi, when the holiday came, our people from Igbara-Oke, Ilaramokin, Owo, Benin, people in this axis, they went to Army Transportation and asked a truck to take us to this axis. That truck would stop at Benin Royal Mill.  I joined them. We got to Akure at 1am, and I was the only passenger for Akure. I had to disembark at the motor park at 1a.m at the age of 14. There was no light in Akure in 1953. I didn’t know what to do.

At 14, I was free to travel throughout Nigeria, at 77, I was not safe on my own farm.

They put my box on my head and I trekked from the motor park for one and a half miles to our house behind Elemo’s compound inside darkness. Nothing happened to me. That tells you how safe life was. Now, at the age of 77, I was kidnapped on my own farm. At 14, I was free to travel throughout Nigeria, at 77, I was not safe on my own farm. That summarises the story for you; the terrible change that has occurred.  As I’ve said, the solution to this insecurity lies in communities setting up their own defence force and defending themselves.

Not even the state police?

I said community. The police are here; they are part of the community. The soldiers are here. We are forming a joint community task force for Ilu-Abo. Police, hunters, Amotekun, they are all members. State police will help tremendously. I have been preaching state police for 30 years. I think some of us saw far ahead when this idea came about. Some felt how could it happen? They said creating state police would divide Nigeria. People who said that were ignorant or too young to know that once upon a time in Nigeria, we had three police forces.

When I was a child, the Nigeria Police Force, the Western Regional Police, headed by Baba Omitowoju from Ife, and Akure Constabulary. Every town had its own police. Not local government but every town, Owo, Akure, Ado-Ekiti, Ikere had their own police to take care of local crimes. There was Nigerian Police dealing with serious crimes, murder, currency forging, inter-community riots. Those who were stealing goats and chickens were pursued by the local constabularies. There was no clash at all. But when the civil war came, the military wanted to build up very rapidly, they went to these local police forces and regional police.

Since they already had some measures of trainings, they gathered them, gave them military training for three months and sent them to the front. When the war ended, nobody remembered to return those people to what they used to do. That was how those other police forces disappeared. The consequence is what you see today.

So, the state police will go a long way to improve the situation, working with the communities. Nigeria Police Force is too stretched to be effective. Nigeria has about 250 million people, do we have up to 300,000 police officers? I doubt it. The police-population ratio is extremely low in Nigeria. The state police will improve that ratio and, therefore, security.

Fresh Plateau attack leaves eight dead, several injured

Esther Tomo
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Fresh Plateau attack leaves eight dead, several injured

 

AT LEAST eight people have been confirmed dead and four others injured after armed men attacked Vole community in Kwatas district of Bokkos Local Government Area, Plateau State, late Thursday evening.

The Chairman of the Community Peace Observers in Bokkos LGA, Kefas Mallai, confirmed the incident in a statement according to Punch.

Sources said many of the victims were from the same family.

The deceased were identified as Iliya Mangut Dakus, Luck Titus Dakus, Habila Istifanu Dakus, Hassan Istifanus Dakus, Hassan Moses Dakus, Biggie Lucky Dakus, Sunday Gideon Dakus, and Innocent Barnabas Makwin.

The Chairman of the Plateau Youth Council (PYC) in Bokkos, Dakol James, also confirmed the attack, describing frustration over what he called a lack of immediate security response.

“The entire Bokkos youth population is deeply disappointed with the security situation. As of this morning, no security personnel have been deployed to assess the situation. It has been about 12 hours, and we have not seen any security presence,” he said.

Local sources said the attackers stormed the area between 8:00 p.m. and 9:00 p.m., opened fire on residents and caused panic across the community.

A youth leader, Christopher Luka, said he first heard gunshots at about 8:00 p.m. but could not immediately determine where they were coming from. He said the attack was unexpected, adding that the area had been relatively calm before the incident.

“There had been no recent incidents of violence, so this attack came as a shock. We strongly condemn both the attack and the absence of security personnel,” he stated.

He added that youth groups in the area had been trying to prevent tensions from escalating while waiting for authorities to respond.

The Chairman of the Gan Allah Fulani Development Association in Bokkos, Saleh Adamu, also condemned the killings, saying the incident was disturbing given recent relative calm in the area. He called on security agencies to identify those responsible and ensure they are prosecuted.

The attack comes a day after separate incidents in nearby communities, including a mining site in Kok village and Chenye village, where two people were killed in similar violence across Barkin Ladi and Riyom local government areas.

It also followed repeated attacks in the state since late March this year. The Plateau State Government had imposed a 48-hour curfew in Jos North Local Government Area following a deadly attack on March 29 in Gari Ya Waye community, Angwan Rukuba by gunmen.

The incident immediately led to a retaliatory attack by mobs who reportedly killed dozens of people. The state has since been thrown into panic as more attacks had occurred in parts of the state, especially in Jos North.

On Thursday, April 9, the Vice Chancellor of the University of Jos, revealed that two students of his university died in the attacks.

 

 

 

Oxford International Centre for publishing offers fellowship

Blessing OTOIBHI
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Oxford International Centre for publishing offers fellowship

OXFORD International Centre for Publishing (OICP) is seeking a fellow for the David McClure Public Interest Journalism Fellowship.

Presented by the OICP at Oxford Brookes University, the public interest journalism fellowship supports one writing fellow with an award of £15,000.

The Fellowship will support the publication of a piece of long-form journalism that is of significant contemporary resonance.

Organiser says, “The OICP is one of the leading institutes for media education in the world, with a reputation for innovation and excellence in teaching and research.

“The Centre offers a range of postgraduate and undergraduate awards in journalism and publishing, and carries out academic research, professional development programmes and consultancy”.

The deadline for applications is May 31, 2026. Interested applicants can apply here.

AI in Newsroom Fellowship 2026 seeks fellows

Blessing OTOIBHI
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0
AI in Newsroom Fellowship 2026 seeks fellows

AFRICA Uncensored and DW Akademie are inviting applications for their AI in the Newsroom Fellowship, a six-month intensive programme designed to bridge the gap between journalism and emerging technologies.

From June to December 2026, selected fellows will work on building products for adoption in their newsrooms and work environments, as well as the development of AI workflows for editorial processes.

Organisers says, “We are looking for journalists, editors and news content creators with an interest in AI-supported journalism, and who are able to define a clear use case stating how they plan to use AI tools to solve a challenge they have identified, and who are able to use AI tools to advance their work”.

Fellows will be required to identify a concrete problem within their newsroom and demonstrate how their proposed AI prototype will help solve it. Additionally, applicants will be expected to submit a letter of commitment from their newsroom, or if a freelancer, a personal letter of commitment for the proposed project.

What the fellowship offers

The programme offers technical upskilling, which include deep dives into AI tools for data journalism, AI literacy trainings, and pairing with experts in the AI space.

Others are project mentorship, collaborative network and hands-on experience with a dedicated sandbox of tools, and the frameworks needed to address emerging and existing challenges.

Application deadline is April 30, 2026. Interested applicants can apply here. 

At least 8 attacks hit military bases since January as insurgents intensify North-East offensive

Mustapha USMAN
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At least 8 attacks hit military bases since January as insurgents intensify North-East offensive

BOKO Haram factions have attacked at least eight Nigerian military bases eight times since the beginning of 2026, with the latest assault on a brigade headquarters in Benisheikh, Borno State.

The attack on Thursday, April 9, led to the death of several soldiers, including a high-ranking officer. Although the Defence Headquarters (DHQ), in a statement confirming the attack, failed to provide the exact number of the affected soldiers, it stated that “a few brave and gallant soldiers” paid the supreme price in the line of duty.

However, Daily Trust reported that Oseni Omoh Braimah, a brigadier general and 17 soldiers were killed in coordinated attacks by suspected members of the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP)

The military said the attackers stormed the base at about 12:30 a.m. in a coordinated attempt to breach the defensive perimeter of the formation, but were met with “exceptional courage, professionalism, and superior firepower” from troops led by the late brigade commander, Braimah. 

According to the DHQ, the insurgents were forced to retreat in disarray after a fierce exchange.

Meanwhile, the Benisheikh attack adds to a growing list of assaults recorded across the North-East in 2026, with data showing a sustained pattern of strikes on military formations, mostly in Borno State.

Timeline of attacks

The ICIR reports that since the start of 2026, Nigeria’s counterinsurgency front in the North-East has come under renewed strain, with insurgent groups, particularly the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP),  launching at least eight coordinated attacks on military formations across Borno and parts of Yobe State.

A data analysis of confirmed incidents between January and early April shows these attacks are part of ISWAP’s so-called “Burning of the Camps” campaign, an ongoing offensive that began in February 2025 and has focused on military bases across the Lake Chad Basin. 

Since its launch, the campaign has reportedly extended beyond Nigeria, with military formations in Niger and Cameroon also coming under attack. The pattern suggests a deliberate effort to weaken fixed military positions, which insurgent planners often see as both symbolic representations and key logistical hubs of state control in contested areas.

Attacks reported since January

On January 23, insurgents attacked Malam-Fatori in Mobbar Local Government Area, where about 20 soldiers were reportedly killed in a prolonged gun battle. On the same day, a separate ambush in Damasak led to the death of a Nigerian Army major, underscoring the coordinated nature of early-year operations by the insurgents.

Days later on January 29, in Kawuri, Bama Local Government Area, another military position was attacked, leaving a forest guard dead and a lieutenant missing. The attackers were also reported to have set fire to parts of the military base before retreating into the surrounding hills under the cover of darkness.

The tempo of attacks increased in March, beginning with an assault on a Forward Operating Base in Mayanti, Bama, where a base commander and three soldiers were killed alongside a local hunter.

Between March 5 and 6, insurgents launched at least simultaneous attacks on military bases in Konduga, Mainok, Jakana and Marte on the same nights. A lieutenant colonel commanding 222 Battalion was killed in the coordinated raids, alongside several other soldiers, before troops repelled the attackers.

Reports also indicated that over 53 vehicles were either destroyed or seized during the operations, along with 84 motorcycles that were captured or set ablaze. The group also said it recovered a significant stockpile of arms, including 54 rifles, 20 machine guns, and eight heavy weapons such as rocket-propelled grenade launchers and mortars.

The ICIR reported that insurgents, in claims circulated through Amaq News Agency and affiliated social media channels, said they killed at least 16 soldiers and officers during the attacks. They also reported that a suicide vehicle-borne improvised explosive device (SVBIED) exploded near Njimya village in the Sambisa Forest the following day, allegedly causing about 20 more casualties and forcing troops to withdraw from the base.

On March 9, another senior officer, Umar Farouq, Lieutenant Colonel, was killed in Kukawa after sustaining injuries during an attack on a military formation. On the same day, insurgents struck Goniri in Yobe State, destroying military vehicles before withdrawing after a gunfight with troops.

On March 18, troops said its repelled another major assault in Mallam-Fatori, killing at least 80 insurgents, according to military accounts, in one of the fiercest encounters of the year so far.

Across all recorded incidents, Borno State accounts for seven of the eight attacks, with Yobe recording one.

While the Nigeria authorities have continued to maintain that troops remain in control of the situation, many Nigerians have questioned their proactiveness in foiling attacks on military bases and local communities.

Recall that The ICIR documented at least seven attacks on Nigerian military bases in 2025, carried out by Boko Haram and its splinter faction, ISWAP, across the North-East theatre of operations. 

The sustained attacks on the North-East are part of wider escalation of insecurity across Nigeria, where terrorism, killings, kidnappings, among others, appear to be perennial crises.

Abducted Kwara women, children beg governor, FG for rescue after 2 months in captivity

Mustapha USMAN
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Abducted Kwara women, children beg governor, FG for rescue after 2 months in captivity

THE 176 women and children who were kidnapped in Kwara State in February have again begged the state and federal government to rescue them from their captors’ hands.

The abductees were whisked away by terrorists during attacks on Woro and Kososo communities in Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State on February 3.

They made the appeal for their release in a viral video published by Sahara Reporters on Thursday, April 9, two months after they were abducted by armed attackers suspected to be linked to a Boko Haram faction operating in the region.

The violent raid that led to their abduction left over 100 residents dead, including traditional and religious leaders in the affected communities.

In the latest footage, the victims, mostly women and children, appeared visibly exhausted and distressed. Many were seen wearing soiled clothes as they stood closely together under tense conditions while being addressed by armed men.

In the video, several of the abducted persons were seen responding to questions from the armed group as they begged for their safety.

“This is our last opportunity”

One of the victims, a young woman, who spoke in English, appealed to government authorities and religious leaders for their immediate intervention.

“Dear Muslim sisters and brothers, we are here today. We are the people who were kidnapped from Woro, Kaiama Local Government Area on February 3. Today is April 8. Please, we are begging you, this is the last opportunity they gave us,” she said.

She pleaded for urgent rescue, noting the presence of vulnerable individuals among the captives.

“We have small children with us and we have some people with pregnancies. Please, assist us. Those who are here, some people with anaemia, please, help us.

“We are begging you. This is the last opportunity that we have, and they teach us the things that we do not know at home, like Tawheedi (the oneness of Allah). We lacked Tawheedi at home even though those people at home know that we lacked Tawheedi. But we are here, they teach us everything, and we understand everything.

Another female victim, speaking in Yoruba, also appealed for help, directing her message to both Kwara and Oyo State governments.

“They are feeding us and teaching us religion. All the things we don’t know, all the gaps in our religion were being filled. But we need help because this is the last chance they gave us,” she said.

Other captives, speaking in Nupe language, echoed similar pleas, all urging authorities to intervene and ensure their release.

“We have indoctrinated them”

Speaking in Hausa in the background of the video, one of the terrorists confirmed responsibility for the abduction, claiming the captives had been ‘indoctrinated’ and exposed to teachings since their capture.

“We are the ones who kidnapped the people of Woro and Kososo,” the terrorist said. “We have indoctrinated them and changed their way of life from what they knew before their abduction.”

He added that the victims were allowed to speak as part of what he described as a final opportunity to reach authorities.

Not the first plea

However, this was not the first time the women would be begging for freedom. 

On April 2, the 176 women and children were also seen in a viral video begging for their freedom after the government failed to rescue them.

According to a report by Sahara Reporters, which quoted a community source, the bandits are demanding over N3 billion for the release of the victims.

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