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Obi, experts fault Tinubu’s ₦3.3tn power sector fund

Harrison EDEH
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Obi, experts fault Tinubu’s ₦3.3tn power sector fund

FORMER Labour Party (LP) presidential candidate, Peter Obi, and key power-sector governance experts have faulted President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s recent N3.3 trillion settlement plan for the country’s decade-old power sector debt.

The controversy comes after presidential spokesperson, Bayo Onanuga, stated on Sunday that Tinubu had finally approved N3.3 trillion to settle legacy debt owed to power generation companies.

Obi, in reaction, flagged an earlier approval of a similar fund by the Tinubu government in 2024, noting that an announcement without execution could not take Nigeria out of perennial darkness.

“On May 17, 2024, N3.3 trillion was approved for the same purpose. On July 25, 2024, another N4 trillion bond was approved to settle similar debts. There have also been other approvals in between, all targeted at addressing the same power sector liabilities,” Obi said.

He noted that the ‘non-transparent’ approval raised a fundamental question about whether previous announcements were made without execution.

“N3.3 trillion again? Nigeria’s power crisis without end? Each time legitimate concerns are raised, what we see appears more like policy pronouncements without measurable progress,” he stated.

Obi also pointed out that most of the debts were owed by ministries and agencies of the government, including the Presidential Villa.

“It’s important to note that government institutions and agencies, including the Presidential villa, owe a significant portion of these debts. Year after year, budgets were made and funds appropriated. Why then were these obligations not settled when due?

“And from what source will these new payments be made? Are we resorting once more to borrowing to service inefficiencies?” he queried.

Similarly, the Association of Generation Companies of Nigeria (APGC) questioned the approved N3.3 trillion. They raised concerns about how the decision would halt the electricity supply challenge in Nigeria.

The ICIR reports that the Chief Executive Officer of APGC, Joy Ogaji, raised an alarm over the parameter used by the Presidency to arrive at N3.3 trillion verified legacy debt.

The confusion comes amid the recent N501 billion power sector debt resettlement bond announced by the Nigerian government.

While the confusion persists, the majority of Nigerians have continued to suffer from epileptic electricity supply, with only 3,345 megawatts allocated to electricity distribution companies as of April 3rd, 2026.

Like other celebrations in Nigeria, the just-concluded Easter was marred by darkness in several parts of Nigeria as the Minister of Power’s recent pledge to fix the crisis within two-weeks failed to yield the expected results.

Reacting to the development, the President of Nigeria Consumer Protection Network, Kola Olubiyo, raised concerns over the Federal Government’s plan to settle N3.3 trillion in legacy debts. He said the move would not resolve the deep-rooted problems facing the industry.

He said while the payment might appear significant, it failed to address the fundamental issues undermining the sector’s performance.

He noted that discrepancies, as well as conflicting claims and counterclaims surrounding the debt figures, pointed to flaws in the data used to arrive at the estimates.

According to him, the data collection and generation processes lack scientifically verifiable standards.

Olubiyo further warned that such gaps made the debt figures vulnerable to manipulation by human factors and entrenched corruption within the system.

He stressed that without credible data and structural reforms, settling the debt alone would have a limited impact on improving Nigeria’s power sector.

“As good as the payment may sound, it will not in any way address the myriad of challenges bedevilling the power sector.

“The fact that there exist discrepancies and conflicting claims and counterclaims further demonstrates that data collection and data generation that form the basis of the debts’ claims were not generated through scientifically verifiable parameters.

“Hence the susceptibility of the data/debt claims to human elements and endemic individual corruption,” he said.

US strikes on Iran’s Kharg Island raise fears of wider conflict

Esther Tomo
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US strikes on Iran’s Kharg Island raise fears of wider conflict

IRAN’S main oil export hub, Kharg Island, came under attack on Tuesday, April 7, in what appears to be one of the most serious escalations in the standoff between the United States and Iran.

Multiple sites on the island were hit, with early footage showing smoke rising from the area. US officials said the strikes targeted military positions, including air defence systems, and did not directly hit oil facilities.

Kharg Island is central to Iran’s economy. It handles the vast majority of the country’s crude exports, largely because other parts of Iran’s coastline are too shallow for large tankers. In practical terms, if Kharg Island is knocked out, Iran’s ability to sell oil to the world will be severely limited.

Its location also makes it vulnerable. The island sits within range of U.S. military assets in the Gulf, including bases in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, putting it firmly within reach in any confrontation.

The strikes come at a tense moment around the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most important oil routes. A significant share of global crude passes through the waterway, and any threat to traffic there tends to rattle markets quickly.

There have been series of warnings from President Donald Trump. He had openly floated the idea of targeting Kharg Island in earlier remarks.

In the past week, Trump also issued and repeatedly delayed deadlines for Iran to reopen the Strait of Hormuz. His latest warning was more direct, suggesting that if Iran failed to comply, the U.S. could go after critical infrastructure, including power plants and bridges.

Tehran has so far refused to give ground, with Iranian officials rejecting a temporary ceasefire proposal and instead calling for a permanent end to the conflict. At the same time, authorities have urged civilians to help protect key facilities, a sign that the country is bracing for further strikes.

The rhetoric on both sides has intensified sharply, and the gap between them appears wide.

For now, the US appears to be stopping short of directly hitting oil exports. But by striking around Kharg Island, it has edged closer to Iran’s most sensitive economic target.

If that line is crossed, or if the Strait of Hormuz is fully disrupted, the consequences would likely be felt far beyond the region, especially in global energy markets.

The ICIR reported that Iran threatened retaliation after a top commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Majid Khademi, was killed in a US–Israeli strike at the weekend.

Iran said the attack targeted its security leadership, while the Israel Defense Forces described Khademi as a key figure in external operations and internal crackdowns.

His death was seen as a major blow to Iran’s intelligence system. In response, Tehran warned of stronger retaliation if further strikes occur.

 

 

Tension as protest trails funeral of victims of Angwa Rukuba attack

Mustapha USMAN
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Tension as protest trails funeral of victims of Angwa Rukuba attack

TENSION flared in Jos North Local Government Area (LGA) of Plateau State on Tuesday, April 7, as protests over the arrest of three youths briefly disrupted the funeral service for victims of attack on the Angwan Rukuba community by gunmen on Palm Sunday.

The protest also followed a fresh update that the death toll from the attack had climbed to 33.

According to a Channels Television’s report, the burial turned chaotic when women and youths stormed the church premises where service was being conducted for them and demanded the immediate release of the detained youths.

The protesters insisted the arrested persons were innocent, alleging that security operatives picked up the wrong individuals while the real attackers remained at large.

The situation quickly escalated as they threatened to halt the burial until their demands were met.

Reacting to the arrest amid the unrest, the Plateau State Government, through the Chief of Staff at Government House, Jos, Jeremiah Satmak, confirmed that the three youths earlier arrested had been released following public pressure.

He also disclosed that the death toll had increased from 28 to 33 after some of the injured victims died in hospital.

Satmak condoled the bereaved families and said security agencies were working to uncover the motive behind the killings and ensure the perpetrators are brought to justice.

Youth leader confirms release, increased death toll

Meanwhile, speaking with The ICIR, the Angwa Rukuba Youth Leader, Christopher Sani, confirmed that the three youth that were earlier arrested had been released by the military.

He explained that they were released following the protest and agitations of the residents.

He also noted that the deaths from the attack increased to “about 33,” adding that “two died yesterday and another two before yesterday.”

Attack on Angwa Rukuba

The ICIR reported that a deadly attack on March 29 in Gari Ya Waye community, Angwan Rukuba by gunmen claimed at least 28 lives.

The attack quickly led to reprisal attack in the community, with some passerby and traders caught in the melee.

The state government consequently imposed a 48-hour curfew on Jos North LGA.

Although the curfew was later eased, fresh clashes erupted across several parts of the LGA, including Nasarawa Gwong, Bauchi Road, Farin Gada and the Gada Biyu axis.

The ICIR reported that retaliatory attacks spread across communities, with youth groups clashing in multiple locations as security operatives struggled to contain simultaneous incidents.

Residents shut shops and fled affected areas amid fears of further attacks, while videos circulating online showed chaotic confrontations on streets.

The violence also reportedly took on a sectarian dimension in some flashpoints, which further deepened insecurity in the area.

Kebbi Assembly Speaker, Zuru, dies in Egypt

Mustapha USMAN
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Kebbi Assembly Speaker, Zuru, dies in Egypt

THE Speaker of the Kebbi State House of Assembly, Mohammad Zuru, is dead.

Zuru reportedly died on Monday in Egypt after a brief illness, according to a statement by the state House of Assembly.

The statement was signed by an official of the House, Murtala Diri, and shared via his official Facebook page on behalf of the Assembly.

Until his death, he represented the Zuru constituency and served as Speaker of the 10th Kebbi State House of Assembly. He was elected to the position on June 8, 2023, and was regarded as a prominent political figure within the Zuru Emirate.

“Speaker of the Kebbi State House of Assembly, Rt. Hon. Mohammed Usman Zuru (Lifiddan Zuru), has passed away. He died in the early evening of Monday, 6th April, 2026, while receiving medical treatment in Cairo, Egypt.

“The late speaker, representing Zuru Constituency was a prominent political figure from Zuru emirate, served as the Speaker of the Kebbi State 10th Assembly. His death is a significant loss to his constituents, the state’s legislative body, the political community, as well as the state and the country in general,” the statement read.

Also, confirming his death to Punch Newspaper, an aide to the state governor on communication and strategy, Idris Zuru, described the incident as shocking.

“The death of the Speaker, Rt. Hon. Muhammad Usman Zuru, came to us as a rude shock. It is a painful loss not only to Kebbi State but to the entire nation,” he said.

ADC accuses INEC of plot to block party from fielding candidates

Mustapha USMAN
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ADC accuses INEC of plot to block party from fielding candidates

THE African Democratic Congress (ADC) has accused the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) of deploying “administrative landmines” to prevent it from fielding candidates in the upcoming elections.

In a statement on Monday, April 6, by its National Publicity Secretary, Bolaji Abdullahi, the party said the current situation appears deliberately designed to exclude it from participating in the polls.

The party said its position was backed by “documentary evidence,” including INEC records, attendance logs, monitoring reports, and excerpts from the commission’s sworn affidavit, which it claimed establish “a clear and consistent record of events.”

“We are compelled to raise serious concerns about a developing situation that appears designed to prevent the African Democratic Congress (ADC) from fielding candidates in the upcoming elections,” the statement said.

According to the ADC, INEC had received formal notice of its July 29, 2025, National Executive Committee meeting, monitored the proceedings, and subsequently updated its records to reflect a new leadership led by David Mark as National Chairman and Rauf Aregbesola as National Secretary.

The statement further cited INEC’s sworn affidavit before the Federal High Court in a suit involving Nafiu Bala Gombe, which, according to the ADC, affirmed that the leadership transition had been completed and recognised, and that such internal party matters fall outside judicial interference.

However, the party expressed concern that despite this record, INEC has now taken a contrary position by refusing to receive any correspondence from the ADC pending the determination of a case before the Federal High Court.

“Yet, despite this clear documentary trail, INEC has now taken the position that it will no longer receive any correspondence from the ADC pending the determination of a matter before the Federal High Court. This is where the contradiction becomes dangerous,” the party said.

The ADC argued that the decision conflicted with provisions of the Electoral Act, which imposes strict timelines, including a 21-day notice requirement and deadlines for submission of documents.

With INEC fixing May 10 as the submission deadline, the party said INEC’s refusal to accept its correspondence would prevent the commission from complying with the law.

It warned that this creates an “impossible position” and a pathway to “artificial non-compliance” that could be used to justify excluding the party from the elections.

The ADC also rejected INEC’s claim that its April 1 decision was meant to protect ongoing court proceedings, arguing instead that the commission had undermined the judicial process by intervening in a matter already before the court.

“We therefore call on the commission to immediately reverse this position, resume the acceptance of all lawful correspondence from the ADC, and uphold its constitutional responsibility to ensure a level playing field for all political parties,” the statement added.

The party urged Nigerians to remain vigilant, warning of “dangerous machinations to subvert Nigeria’s democracy.”

Background

The latest dispute followed INEC’s decision to stop recognising the ADC leadership led by Mark, citing a Court of Appeal ruling and a pending case before the Federal High Court in Abuja.

The commission had also removed the party’s leaders from its official portal on April 1, a move the ADC described as biased and an undue interference in its internal affairs.

Speaking during an ARISE NEWS on Thursday, April 2, Abdullahi said the party had complied with all legal requirements, including notifying INEC ahead of its congresses and convention.

He accused INEC of misinterpreting the court ruling and acting under external pressure to weaken opposition parties ahead of the 2027 general elections, alleging that the commission had “succumbed to intimidation.”

The ADC maintained that its leadership transition followed due process and that internal party disputes should not attract external interference.

The party has vowed to proceed with its planned congresses and convention, despite the standoff.

The ADC is widely seen as a key opposition platform to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), which produced President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2023.

Concerns have grown that if the crisis persists, it could limit political competition, particularly as the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) also faces internal challenges following a wave of defections.

Several prominent political figures, including former vice president Atiku Abubakar, former governors Peter Obi, Nasir El-Rufai, Rabiu Kwankwaso, and Rotimi Amaechi, are ADC members.

Iran vows retaliation after top commander killed in US-Israeli strike

Mustapha USMAN
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Iran vows retaliation after top commander killed in US-Israeli strike

IRAN has threatened retaliation after a top commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), Majid Khademi, was killed in a United States-Israeli strike.

State media, quoting the Guards, said Khademi, head of the IRGC intelligence arm, died in a dawn attack described as a “criminal terrorist” operation by the “American-Zionist enemy.”

Khademi, appointed in 2025, is the latest senior Iranian figure eliminated in a string of strikes. He previously led the Guards’ Intelligence Protection Organisation and spent decades in intelligence and counter-espionage roles.

His killing is seen as a major hit to Iran’s security architecture.

The IRGC intelligence unit plays a central role in surveillance, counterintelligence and internal security, reporting directly to the country’s leadership.

Also confirming his death, Israel Defense Forces, in a statement on Monday, April 6, said Khademi was a key operative involved in external operations and internal crackdowns.

“Khademi was one of the IRGC’s most senior commanders and had accumulated extensive experience over many years.

“Khademi worked to advance terrorist attacks worldwide, and was responsible for monitoring Iranian civilians as part of the regime’s suppression of internal protests,” the statement read.

Meanwhile, Tehran has warned of “more devastating” retaliation if further strikes hit its territory or civilian infrastructure.

“Major General Majid Khademi, the powerful and educated head of the Intelligence Organisation of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, was martyred in the criminal terrorist attack by the American-Zionist enemy… at dawn today,” said the Guards in a post on their Telegram channel.”

The strike came amid continued tensions across the region, with Iran, Israel and the United States exchanging threats and attacks.

Over the weekend, US President Donald Trump threatened to launch attacks on Iranian infrastructure, including power plants and bridges, if Tehran fails to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global oil route.

The warning followed Iran’s seizure of the waterway, through which about a fifth of the world’s oil supply typically passes, consequently disrupting global energy supply.

The price of whistleblowing: Mubarak Bello’s fight for justice

Editorial
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The price of whistleblowing: Mubarak Bello’s fight for justice

By Godwin Onyeacholem

“YOU have two options now: To live or to die.” That was the chilling message with which a senior police officer confronted Mubarak Bello, a 38-year-old whistleblower and father of four young children, whose revelation has left the Katsina State police command fiercely rattled since 2019.

Bello, a civilian staff in the finance unit of the state command had exposed three layers of massive fraud perpetrated by the command’s high-ranking but heavily corrupt police officers:

  1. a payroll inflated with thousands of phantom officers;
  2. illegal “tax” deductions ranging from N5,000 to N80,000 levied on officers’ monthly salaries;
  3. and a fraudulent loan scheme through fake companies in which loanees were fraudulently deducted long after repaying the loans.

Since Bello reported the grand-scale swindle to relevant authorities including the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), his universe has gone downhill. As this piece goes out, he is buffeted by a continuous stream of virulent retaliation launched, in a classic case of institutional betrayal, by his employers, the police, a critical organ of the state whose duty it is to preserve law and order and protect people who expose criminal conduct, but has now turned themselves into a tool of deliberate, mean-spirited oppression of a whistleblower.

And strangely enough even if unconsciously, the whistleblower’s punishment by the police is equally kept alive by no less similarly pivotal state organs, notably ICPC and EFCC, with their seeming acquiescence to an obvious illegality as shown by their failure to investigate the whistleblower’s disclosure and ensure his safety as global best practice recommends in such cases. These two institutions ought to know better, even if the police have chosen to go rogue.

In actual fact, both the ICPC and EFCC, and indeed other state-empowered institutions having anything to do with whistleblowing, need to be deeply schooled on the essentials of whistleblowing as a mechanism for achieving transparency and accountability in public and corporate governance. The consistent standard in whistleblowing management which has clearly eluded these institutions is that once a whistleblower submits a report to relevant agencies, the whistleblower is entitled to full protection from varied and non-exclusive forms of reprisals from any quarter, even as the accuracy of the disclosure is undergoing assessment.

So, in Bello’s case, ICPC, EFCC, SSS, and even the federal ministry of justice and the Police Service Commission (PSC) which received the whistleblower’s disclosure, it’s fair to say they all dropped the ball scandalously by failing to prevent the reprisals repeatedly launched at him. It’s even worse that Bello’s disclosure was found to be full of merit at a glance, yet nothing of substance came out of it. The wrongdoers in the police have not been brought to account, and the whistleblower is left to suffer all kinds of mistreatment.

At one point Bello was arrested by the police, tortured and released after eight days without a formal charge, but his car was seized and is still with the police. His house was ransacked and valuable property removed by operatives from the State Intelligence Bureau (SIB). He had been physically attacked many times by a combination of policemen and hired ruffians and, in one instance, almost left for dead with a big gash on his forehead. The scar left by the stitched wound on his face is an enduring mark of state cruelty not only against the whistleblower, but also against truth-telling.

Not done yet, the police turned the screw by slamming him with two separate lawsuits alleging spurious charges intended to shut him up, the latest is an upcoming re-arraignment at the federal high court in Katsina initiated by the inspector general of police. As is well known, lawsuits are a slippery terrain for whistleblowers. They are often long and costly, and their outcome, decided by a judge, are always unpredictable. More than anything, Bello is traumatized by the retaliatory court cases before him, and occasionally he fights off the distress by showing frustrations and resentment toward his lawyers understandably.

When Katsina became increasingly unsafe due to constant harassments, he fled the town and relocated his wife and children to where he thought they would be safest inside the city. He was wrong. His persecutors traced the house, and constantly stormed it to ask his wife his whereabouts. One night, they broke into the house and violated the woman. As Bello narrated the hideous crime, he broke down and tears of anguish filled his eyes.

To be fair to ICPC, they once attempted to act by writing to the police to release the indicted officers for questioning. But the police, then headed by Kayode Egbetokun, ignored them and ICPC quietly retreated with their tails between their legs, and leaving the familiar impression that “our hands are tied,” an expression commonly trotted out in Nigeria by weak, ineffectual institutions and state officials lacking the will to act in accordance with the law.

Shockingly, the same incapability was demonstrated by President Muhammadu Buhari whose administration introduced the whistleblowing policy to fight corruption, and to whom the whistleblower had the privilege of narrating his story at the height of his persecution, was unable to save the whistleblower despite his well-advertised aversion to corrupt practices. After the whistleblower shared his concern with Buhari during a rare private meeting, the best the administration did for Bello was to send him to a safe house in Kaduna. Bello spent three months there and left on his own out of frustration. He wanted justice, not the luxury of a secluded sprawling safe haven.

If the whistleblower’s experience shows anything, it is evidence of a considerable amount of state failure as seen in the collapse or ineffectiveness of the moral clarity of Nigeria’s leadership in key institutions. For example, the police failing to maintain law and order, and the anti-corruption agencies not having the nerve to tackle corruption and protect citizens who report wrongdoing.

Because of the uncertainty and delays surrounding his court cases, Bello is expectedly afflicted with legal abuse syndrome (LAS), a kind of post-traumatic stress disorder related to a psychic injury often found in individuals assaulted by legal abuses and betrayals. This has left him nursing suicidal thoughts sometimes. Fortunately, he is already seeing a psychologist, thanks to the Coalition of Whistleblower Protection and Press Freedom (CWPPF) which had mounted a feisty advocacy for the safety of the whistleblower.

The coalition, among others, includes the African Centre for Media and Information Literacy (AFRICMIL), which is the lead organisation in the advocacy, Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development (CJID), International Centre for Investigative Reporting (ICIR) and Hope Behind Bars (HBB). In separate interventions, CWPPF and AFRICMIL had sent petitions to the Inspector General of Police and the Chair of ICPC highlighting the need to protect the whistleblower and guarantee his safety. Neither has responded to the petitions.

The police had been battling with extreme ferocity trying to persuade the whistleblower to disclaim his disclosure. The officer who accosted him offered money which Bello rejected, opting instead to stand by with the truth in the face of mortal danger. Seeing that the whistleblower won’t budge, the police journeyed with cash and plenty of gift items to Tsauri, a village in Kurfi Local Government Area of Katsina State, to meet with Bello’s father and persuade him to convince his son to shut up for good.

That is not the way to go. The police should be searching themselves and clearing the dregs that have put their reputation in a bad light. They should regenerate themselves as society’s pillar of rectitude, not a branch of corruption, dishonesty and wickedness.

To this end, the new Inspector General of Police, Olatunji Disu, should quickly terminate ongoing judicial retaliation deployed against the whistleblower by withdrawing the two frivolous suits and stopping all other forms of harassments against him and his family. Anything short of this will be grossly unfair and morally wrong, as well as an assault on public interest whistleblowing.

Above all, the Nigeria Police Force must guarantee the safety of Mubarak Bello and his family. The whole world is watching!

The Platform to Protect Whistleblower in Africa (PPLAAF) is deeply appreciated for its support in this campaign.

Godwin Onyeacholem is Program Manager at the African Centre for Media & Information Literacy.  

Iran war: what African countries can do to get through the crisis and emerge in a better place

Editorial
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Iran war: what African countries can do to get through the crisis and emerge in a better place

By Danny Bradlow, University of Pretoria

BY Easter 2026 it was still not clear when – or how – the war initiated by Israel and the US against Iran would end. But what was already clear was that it would harm Africa in a number of ways.

Firstly, it would adversely affect the global supply and prices of oil and gas, fertilisers and food. Secondly, local currencies would be affected. More than a month after the war had started a number of African currencies had begun to lose value against the US dollar.

Thirdly, interest rates stopped falling and further rate increases were highly likely. Fourth, there will be a decline in access to affordable foreign financing.

How should Africa respond?

African countries cannot avoid being harmed by the current Gulf war. Nevertheless, based on my work in international economic law and global economic governance, I think there are two lessons that, if followed, can help the continent emerge from the crisis in a better place.

First, governments and societies need to be pragmatic. Their first priority must be to do whatever they can to mitigate the impact of the war, particularly on their most vulnerable citizens. This will require governments to make trade-offs.

They will have to reallocate budgets to at least maintain the level of imports necessary to meet the society’s basic needs. They will need to convince their creditors to help finance their necessary imports. They will also need to persuade them to be flexible enough that they leave governments with at least some policy space.

Second, states and societies need to identify opportunities within the crisis for actions that over the medium term can help them meet their financing, economic, environmental and social challenges. This requires collaboration between the state and its non-state stakeholders. Business, labour, religious groups, civil society organisations and international organisations all have something to contribute.

Action in the short run

The focus of Africa’s efforts in the short term must be on minimising the negative effects of the war and on managing the state’s external debts in the most sustainable and effective way.

This is easy to state, but hard to implement. This is particularly the case in the current international environment, in which it is not realistic to expect donor countries and other international sources of finance to be particularly generous.

African countries will need to convince their creditors to acknowledge that this crisis is beyond Africa’s control and that they should not compound the pain that’s being experienced. This will require, at a minimum, that the creditors agree to suspend debt payments for the next year.

Creditors have already accepted the principle that debt payments can be suspended when debt challenges arise from sources beyond the debtor’s control. Many of them have accepted clauses requiring such action under specific conditions in their most recent debt contracts. They also did this during COVID.

Second, African countries, which are already heavily indebted, should challenge their multilateral creditors to accept the consequences of being among the biggest creditors for the continent. This includes the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the African Development Bank. By custom these institutions are treated as preferred creditors. This means that they get paid before all other creditors. Instead of participating in any debt restructurings, they also make new loans to the debtor in crisis. This shifts the debt restructuring burden onto the debtor’s other creditors. It also increases the total amount owed to the multilaterals.

This cannot continue. These institutions need to be more creative in providing Africa to financing. This should include:

Third, governments should work with the Alliance of African Multilateral Financial Institutions to use these institutions more effectively to finance African development. For example:

  • They should require the institutions to only undertake transactions that are consistent with their development mandates. This means no more opaque transactions like the recent one that the African Finance Corporation concluded with Senegal.
  • African governments should take the necessary action to activate the African Financial Stability Mechanism that they agreed to establish last year. This would create a useful financial safety net for the continent.

Fourth, African governments must build on the efforts they began last year to become a more effective advocate for African development financing interests at the international level. Among these efforts was the initiative by African ministers of finance to develop common African positions on sovereign debt restructurings. Another was South Africa’s launch of the African Expert Panel that proposed a number of initiatives on African debt and development financing.

In the medium term

African countries should advocate for the IMF to review its governance arrangements so that it becomes more accountable and responsive to developing countries, including African states and societies.

They should also advocate for the IMF to more use its existing resources, including its gold reserves, more creatively to support Africa.

Second, Africa should call for a debate on the preferred creditor status of multilateral financial institutions. This has become particularly relevant because the members of the Alliance of African Multilateral Financial Institutions are claiming that, like all other multilateral financial institutions, they are entitled to this status.

It is not clear that there are good arguments for excluding these institutions from preferred creditor status while protecting the position of the legacy institutions. This suggests that there is a need for some general principles that help determine which institutions should be treated as preferred creditors. These should be acceptable to all multilateral financial institutions and other market participants.

Third, African societies must make every effort to demonstrate that they are taking control of their own development. They should demand that their governments and all other actors in African development finance behave responsibly in regard to the financial, economic, environmental and social aspects of these transactions.

Another medium term objective should be to limit the illicit financial flows that are so often associated with international trade and investment. This goal would be advanced by the successful conclusion of the current efforts to agree on a UN Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation.The Conversation

Danny Bradlow, Professor/Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Advancement of Scholarship, University of Pretoria

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Tinubu approves N3.3trillion to clear power sector debts

Esther Tomo
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Tinubu approves N3.3trillion to clear power sector debts

PRESIDENT Bola Ahmed Tinubu has approved a N3.3 trillion plan to settle long-standing debts in Nigeria’s power sector, in a move the Federal Government says is aimed at improving electricity supply and stabilising the industry.

The decision was announced in a statement issued on Sunday, April 5, and signed by Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy.

“President Bola Tinubu has approved the payment plan to finally settle the outstanding debts under the Presidential Power Sector Financial Reforms Programme”.

According to the statement, the approval followed a final review of debts recorded under the Presidential Power Sector Financial Reforms Programme.

“The debt repayment plan followed the final review of the legacy debts that have beset the power sector for more than a decade,” the statement said.

The presidency noted that the obligations accumulated over a period from February 2015 to March 2025, adding that, “After verification, the government agreed on N3.3 trillion as the total amount to be paid to clear the debts. Implementation has begun, with 15 power plants signing settlement agreements totalling N2.3 trillion.”

To fund the payments, the Federal Government has raised N501 billion so far. Of this amount, N223 billion has already been paid, with further payments ongoing, the statement said.

The presidency also said the plan was intended to support activities across the power sector. It noted that payments to companies involved in electricity generation and gas supply are expected to help improve how the system operates.

Special Adviser to the President on Energy, Olu Arowolo-Verheijen, said the programme was aimed at restoring confidence in the sector by ensuring that key players receive the funds owed to them.

She also stated that the effort is part of wider reforms, including improvements in electricity metering and changes to tariffs to better reflect the level of service provided.

“It is part of a broader set of reforms already underway — including better metering and service-based tariffs that link what you pay to the quality of electricity you receive”.

The statement added that the government is prioritising electricity supply for businesses, industries and small enterprises because of their role in supporting jobs and economic activity.

Tinubu also commended stakeholders involved in resolving the issues and confirmed that the next phase of the programme will begin later this quarter.

Nigeria’s power industry has faced persistent debt troubles that have weighed heavily on generation companies (GenCos) and the broader electricity value chain. Experts have previously described the debt build‑up as a major obstacle to stable electricity supply.

twitter X Bayo Onanuga
electrical power substation

In early 2026, the Federal Government raised N501 billion from the domestic bond market under the Presidential Power Sector Debt Reduction Programme to begin settling arrears owed to GenCos.  This bond issuance drew strong investor interest, with full subscription from pension funds, banks and asset managers, marking a key step in addressing legacy liabilities dating back over a decade.

The N501 billion bond was part of a wider effort to manage more than N6 trillion in accumulated liabilities across the electricity sector and to rebuild confidence among power producers and gas suppliers.

Recent ICIR reports also noted that the difficult financial position of generation and gas companies had contributed to the slow pace of improvements in electricity supply and complicated quick‑fix promises from officials.

 

Resident doctors declare indefinite strike

Mustapha USMAN
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Resident doctors declare indefinite strike

THE Nigerian Association of Resident Doctors (NARD) has announced an indefinite nationwide strike, set to commence at midnight on Tuesday, April 7, 2026.

The Association said its decision followed an “avoidable” dispute with the Federal Government.

The decision was reached during an extraordinary virtual meeting of the association’s National Executive Council (NEC) held on April 4, where members deliberated on recent policy changes affecting doctors’ welfare.

In a statement signed by its Secretary-General, Shuaibu Ibrahim on Monday, April 4, the association expressed concern over the Federal Government’s decision to remove the Professional Allowance Table (PAT), describing the move as “unfortunate” and a trigger for the looming industrial action.

The association outlined key demands, including the immediate reversal of the decision to halt the implementation of the PAT from April 2026.

It also called for the payment of promotion and salary arrears owed to doctors in some centres.

Other demands include the prompt conclusion of the process for the payment of the 2026 Medical Residency Training Fund (MRTF) and the settlement of outstanding 19 months’ arrears of the Professional Allowance.

Background

The current dispute is rooted in the implementation of a revised Professional Allowance Table negotiated between NARD and the Federal Government after a prolonged strike in 2025.

The agreement provided improved remuneration for resident doctors, including call duty allowances, shift allowances, rural posting incentives, and payments for non-clinical duties.

However, tensions resurfaced months later as the association accused the government of failing to honour key components of the agreement, particularly around payments and implementation timelines.

In January 2026, NARD had already signalled a hardening stance, insisting it would proceed with a planned strike despite an injunction by the National Industrial Court of Nigeria restraining the action.

The court, presided over by Justice Emmanuel Subilim, had ordered the association not to embark on its scheduled strike, following a motion filed by the Federal Government through the Attorney General of the Federation.

Despite the order, NARD maintained that the injunction did not address the underlying welfare issues confronting its members.

At the time, NARD President, Mohammad Suleman, said thousands of doctors remained unpaid, noting that more than 2,000 members were yet to receive arrears from the 25–35 per cent adjustment to the Consolidated Medical Salary Structure (CONMESS).

He also dismissed government claims that several of the association’s demands had been addressed, arguing that the reality on the ground contradicted official assurances.

Although the planned January strike was later suspended following fresh commitments from the government and interventions by key stakeholders, including the presidency and the National Assembly, The ICIR reported that the Association described the move as “strategic and conditional.”

Meanwhile, in its latest declaration, NARD said the strike would be “total and comprehensive,” with members directed to withdraw services across public health institutions nationwide.

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