THE State Security Services (SSS) has arraigned former Kaduna State governor, Nasir El-Rufai, before a Federal High Court in Abuja over allegations that he unlawfully accessed the telephone conversations of the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu.
According to reports, El-rufai is facing an amended five-count charge brought by the SSS, which accuses him of offences bordering on unlawful interception of communications and breaches of national security laws.
The charges were amended from three-count charge to five counts by the prosecutor at the resumed hearing on Thursday, April 23.
The presiding judge, Joyce Abdulmalik, consequently struck out the earlier charge and proceeded with the amended version.
El-Rufai pleaded not guilty to all five counts.
The SSS counsel, Oluwole Aladeloye, subsequently asked the court to fix a date for trial.
However, defence counsel, Oluwole Iyamu, objected, arguing that he needed time to properly confer with his client, whom he said had been in the custody of multiple security agencies.
Iyamu also told the court that a bail application had been filed on February 17, along with a further affidavit recently submitted to support it.
But the presiding judge noted that the affidavit was not in her court file. She criticised what she described as procedural lapses, saying counsel ought to have ensured proper filing rather than “engaging in Nollywood theatrics” involving camera operators in court.
The judge subsequently stood down the matter to allow issues surrounding the missing affidavit to be resolved.
Earlier bail rejection and stalled arraignment
The latest proceedings followed earlier developments in the case. The Federal Government had on February 16, 2026, filed a three count charges against the accused.
The charges bordered on alleged unlawful interception of Ribadu’s phone.
On February 25, the Federal High Court in Abuja declined to hear El-Rufai’s bail application, ruling that it was premature since he had not yet been properly arraigned.
In that ruling, Abdulmalik held that bail could only be considered after formal arraignment. He consequently adjourned the matter to April 23.
The court session was stalled at the time because the SSS was unable to produce El-Rufai, who was said to be in the custody of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC).
Backstory
The charges followed El-Rufai’s public claim that he knew about his attempted arrest through tapping of Ribadu’s phone, stressing that the NSA ordered his arrest upon arrival in Nigeria.
Speaking on Arise TV on February 13, the former governor alleged that security operatives attempted to detain him at the airport at the instance of anti-corruption authorities, describing the move as an abduction attempt.
“Nuhu made the call and made the order that I must be in custody,” he said.
When asked how he became aware of the alleged directive, El-Rufai added: “The government thinks that they’re the only ones that listen to calls… Someone tapped his phone.”
He acknowledged that tapping phone calls without court authorisation was illegal but argued that state agencies routinely monitor communications without judicial approval.
AMNESTY International Nigeria, on Wednesday, April 22, released its State of the World’s Human Rights Report on Nigeria.
A detailed report, comprising incidents of human rights violations across 144 countries, had been released a day earlier by the parent organisation, Amnesty International.
The global report noted that the world was on the brink of a perilous new era, driven by powerful states’ corporations and anti-rights movements’ assaults on multilateralism, international law and human rights.
It warned that states, international bodies, and civil society must reject the politics of appeasement.
“We are confronting the most challenging moment of our age. Humanity is under attack from transnational anti-rights movements and predatory governments determined to assert their dominance through unlawful wars and brazen economic blackmail,” Amnesty International’s Secretary General, Agnès Callamard said.
Addressing stakeholders and other participants at the presentation of the report in Abuja, Amnesty International Nigeria Country Director, Isa Sanusi, detailed how state actors hound, arrest, detain and prosecute citizens for expressing their views on government policies and related matters.
He also decried the shrinking space for civil actors and dissenting voices in several countries, especially Nigeria. Sanusi expressed dismay at the level at which non-state actors, especially terrorists and other criminals, abduct for ransom and kill innocent people.
He condemned how countries with superior military power, including the United States, Russia, and Israel, attack others, kill thousands, displace millions and destroy infrastructure.
He warned: “If we go into a world of free-for-all, we are going back to the free 1940s, where any country that is powerful can do whatever, it likes. I hope we will not go back to that.”
“This year’s report particularly paid closer attention to key issues, and one of them is predatory behaviour that is escalating across the world. The example of predatory behaviours includes Israel’s ongoing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza, which has continued despite a ceasefire in October 2025. While at the same time, Israel has been continuing to expand settlements in the occupied territories of the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
“The United States has committed over 150 extrajudicial executions by bombing boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific. The US and Israel agreed on an unlawful use of force against Iran in violation of the UN Charter. Iran has targeted civilian infrastructure in the Gulf and in Israel. Israel has scaled up its attacks on Lebanon, as we know what is going on in Lebanon, the daily bombings, and this has endangered millions and millions of lives,” he stated.
He accused Russia of committing crimes against humanity with its war in Ukraine. Besides, he said the Taliban’s “predatory policies” against Afghan women intensified in 2025, with further bans on education, listening to music, with other ‘barbaric’ measures enacted or implemented.
Speaking on abuses on the African continent, he said Sudan-supported forces seized control of al-Pasha in the northern part of Darfur, where women, children, and civilian infrastructure were destroyed by ISIS. This was followed by massive killings, rape, and other sexual violence, he noted further.
“Rwandan armed forces and the Rwandan-backed armed group captured the cities of Goma and Okavo in the Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC, and lawfully killed civilians and subjected detainees to torture and ill-treatment in inhuman conditions. Another very devastating blow to the rules-based world that we know is that the Trump administration of the United States sanctioned the International Criminal Court (ICC) staff.”
Amnesty International highlighted instances of human rights abuses in Nigeria, including non-state actors abducting citizens for ransom and killing those whose families could not raise funds for their freedom. Between January and the first three weeks of April 2026, over 1,000 Nigerians had been kidnapped by insurgents and bandits, Sanusi said.
The organisation accused the police and military of helping the government shrink civil space by tracking and arresting dissenting voices, while killing innocent citizens in the course of fighting terrorists. For instance, it detailed instances when agents of the Nigerian government arrested journalists, activists and others, charged and arbitrarily detained them.
“Security and law enforcement agents used excessive force to disperse peaceful protesters, killing several people and arbitrarily arresting others. Authorities failed to protect girls from abductions and people from killings by gunmen. Military air strike unlawfully targeted civilians. Armed group Boko Haram continued to kill civilians,” it noted.
Some of the cases of human rights abuses in Nigeria, as documented by Amnesty International, include the arrest and detention of activist Omoyele Sowore for calling the former inspector-general of police, Kayode Egbetokun ‘illegal IGP”, the extension of service year for a youth corps member, Ushie Uguamaye, known as Raye, after she voiced concerns over rising cost of living in Nigeria; the arrest, detention and arraignment of activist chinedu Agu on criminal defamation charges over his opinion articles criticising Imo State Governor Hope Uzodinma.
The list includes the arrest of Kano-based journalists, Buhari Abba and Ismail Auwal, over a report deemed critical of the Kano State Commissioner for Information, Ibrahim Waiya. “They were detained for several hours before being released, and there was no record of an ongoing trial.”
Similarly, the human rights institution posited that the authorities failed to fulfil their obligations to prevent attacks on individuals and communities, to safeguard their rights to life and physical integrity, and to ensure justice by investigating and prosecuting those responsible for the violence.
It recalled the killing of 16 hunters heading for Kano from Rivers in Edo State, coordinated attacks on Plateau, Zamfara, Benue, Borno, Katsina, Kwara, Kaduna communities, among others.
Human rights abuses, according to Amnesty International, include the forced evictions by state governments, namely Lagos and Kano, following the demolition of residents’ homes.
THE Minister of Power, Adebayo Adelabu, has resigned from the Federal Executive Council to pursue his governorship ambition in Oyo State.
According to Punch Newspaper, the minister in a resignation letter dated April 22, 2026, and addressed to President Bola Tinubu, said his exit would take effect from April 30 to allow for a smooth transition and proper handover of responsibilities.
The minister stated that he was stepping down with gratitude for the opportunity to serve in the administration.
He thanked Tinubu for the confidence reposed in him, describing his appointment as an opportunity to contribute to reforms in one of Nigeria’s most critical sectors.
Adelabu said his decision was informed by his desire to focus fully on his governorship ambition in Oyo State ahead of the 2027 general election.
According to him, the ambition dates back to 2016 during his time as deputy governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), noting that he had earlier resigned from the apex bank in 2018 to pursue the same political goal.
He added that the provisions of the amended Electoral Act 2026, which bar political office holders from contesting elections while still in office, made his resignation necessary.
Background
Although it came late, Adelabu’s resignation followed President Tinubu’s directive mandating all political appointees seeking elective office in 2027 to resign on or before March 31.
The directive applied to ministers, ministers of state, special advisers, senior aides, and heads of federal agencies planning to participate in party primaries or contest elective positions.
The government said the decision was in line with Section 88(1) of the Electoral Act 2026 and the timetable released by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which fixed party primaries between April 23 and May 30, 2026.
According to the statement signed by the Head of Information and Public Relations at the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (OSGF) Dewan Goshit, the directive was aimed at ensuring compliance with electoral laws, promoting transparency in governance, and creating a level playing field for all aspirants.
Following the directive, several ministers resigned from Tinubu’s cabinet.
Among them were the former Minister of Transportation, Saidu Ahmed Alkali, who is expected to contest the Gombe State governorship election, and former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, who is reportedly preparing for the Bauchi governorship race.
The Minister of State for Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Reduction, Yusuf Tanko Sununu, also stepped down to pursue a senatorial bid in Kebbi State.
Adelabu had remained in office despite public expectations that he would also resign, especially after a viral video in October 2025 in which he openly declared his ambition to govern Oyo State.
In the video, he referenced his previous governorship contests against Governor Seyi Makinde in 2019 and 2023 and expressed confidence that 2027 would be different.
Power Sector Challenges
Adelabu’s governorship ambition came amid growing criticism of his performance as Minister of Power since his appointment in August 2023, particularly over persistent power shortages across the country.
Despite Nigeria’s installed electricity generation capacity of over 13,000 megawatts, actual supply has remained significantly lower, with available power often below 5,000 megawatts.
The sector has also witnessed repeated national grid collapses, plunging many parts of the country into prolonged blackouts and worsening economic hardship for households and businesses.
Although the Federal Government introduced tariff reforms under his leadership to reduce subsidy burdens, many Nigerians complained that rising electricity costs did not translate into improved power supply.
THE Ministry of Foreign Affairs has confirmed that President Bola Tinubu’s ambassador’s designate to Algeria, Mohammed Lele, is dead.
Lele passed away in the early hours of April 19, 2026, in Ankara, Türkiye.
The ministry’s spokesperson, Kimiebi Ebienfa, who revealed this in a statement, said the late diplomat served as Director of the Middle East and Gulf Division until his death after a prolonged illness.
“The Ministry extends its heartfelt condolences to his immediate family, friends, associates and the government and people of Bauchi State, and prays for the peaceful repose of his soul, the strength for his loved ones during this difficult time, and the fortitude to bear this irreplaceable loss”, the statement read.
The ministry added that the deceased was buried today according to Islamic rites in Kano, Kano State.
Born in 1976 in Gamawa Local Government Area of Bauchi State, Lere studied Economics at Bayero University, Kano, and joined the Nigerian Foreign Service in 2001.
Throughout his career, he served in several Nigerian missions, including Berlin-Germany, Lomé-Togo, and Riyadh-Saudi Arabia.
The ICIR reported in March that following the Nigerian Senate’s confirmation of their nominations, only 10 out of over 60 ambassadors and envoys deployed by Tinubu were accepted weeks after their deployment.
The countries that accepted the officials at the time the report was published were the United Kingdom, France, the United States, Ireland, Qatar, the Republic of Benin, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Senegal and Sierra Leone.
India and several other countries were quietly reluctant to accept some of the envoys, a diplomatic hurdle tied to the short period remaining for Tinubu’s first four-year term.
The president withdrew all envoys and ambassadors appointed by his predecessor, the late President Muhammadu Buhari shortly after assuming office in May 2023.
It took him over two years to appoint their replacements.
He is eligible to run for another four years, which is his final.
THE Federal High Court in Abuja on Wednesday, April 22, ordered the remand of six men in the custody of the State Security Services (SSS) after they were arraigned on a 13-count charge bordering on alleged terrorism, treason, and an alleged plot to overthrow President Bola Tinubu’s government.
The defendants include Mohammed Ibrahim Gana, a retired major-General; Erasmus Ochegobia Victor, retired Navy Captain; Ahmed Ibrahim, Police Inspector; Presidential Villa electrician, Zekeri Umoru; Bukar Kashim Goni, and Kaduna-based Islamic cleric Abdulkadir Sani.
Also listed in the charge, but said to be at large, is former Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Timipre Sylva.
At Wednesday’s sitting before Joyce Abdulmalik, proceedings briefly stalled after the third defendant informed the court that his counsel was indisposed, while counsel to the sixth defendant said his client only understood Arabic and Hausa, prompting the judge to stand the matter down to secure an interpreter.
When the court reconvened, all six defendants took their pleas and denied all 13 counts, pleading not guilty.
Following the arraignment, the prosecution applied for their remand in the custody of State Security Services (SSS) and urged the court to grant accelerated hearing of the matter.
While most defence counsel did not oppose the application, counsel to the first defendant indicated plans to file a bail application.
In his ruling, the presiding judge ordered an accelerated hearing and directed that the defendants be remanded in SSS custody and be given access to their lawyers.
The judge subsequently adjourned the matter to April 27, 2026, for commencement of trial and hearing of bail applications.
Only Abdulkadir Sani, who had earlier been ordered released unconditionally by a court, appeared in court on his own, while the remaining five defendants were reportedly produced by SSS operatives.
Backstory
The Federal Government, through the Office of the Attorney-General of the Federation, had on Monday, April 20, filed the 13-count charge before the court, accusing the suspects of conspiracy to commit treason, terrorism financing, failure to disclose intelligence on a planned coup, and money laundering linked to terrorism financing.
According to the charge signed by the Director of Public Prosecutions of the Federation, Rotimi Oyedepo, a senior advocate, the defendants allegedly conspired in 2025 “to levy war against the state to overpower the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,” an offence punishable under Section 37(2) of the Criminal Code.
The prosecution also alleged that the defendants had prior knowledge of a planned treasonable act involving one Mohammed Alhassan Ma’aji., a colonel, and others but failed to alert authorities or take reasonable steps to prevent it.
The charge also accused Ahmed Ibrahim and Zekeri Umoru of attending meetings linked to the alleged plot in a bid to advance a political ideology capable of destabilising Nigeria’s constitutional structure.
The defendants were further accused of knowingly rendering support for acts of terrorism and suppressing intelligence that could have helped prevent the alleged acts.
Financial records cited in the charge also alleged that Bukar Kashim Goni retained N50 million linked to terrorism financing, while Abdulkadir Sani allegedly retained N2 million from a similar source.
Zekeri Umoru was accused of receiving N10 million in cash outside the banking system and retaining an additional N8.8 million suspected to be proceeds of terrorism financing, while Ahmed Ibrahim, an inspector, was accused of taking possession of N1 million linked to the same offence.
The ICIR reports that the coup allegations first gained public attention after the Federal Government cancelled the October 1, 2025 Independence Day parade, triggering widespread speculation of an attempted coup.
Although the Defence Headquarters initially dismissed the reports, it later confirmed in January 2026 that there had indeed been an attempt to overthrow the president.
The Director of Defence Information Samaila Uba, had said investigations showed some military personnel were involved and that those implicated had been detained for further investigation and military trial.
On March 6, families of detained military officers accused of involvement in the alleged plot publicly appealed to Tinubu to allow open court trials instead of prolonged detention and what they described as “trial by media.”
The protest, joined by activist Omoyele Sowore and relatives of the detained officers, demanded transparency, access to the suspects, and adherence to constitutional rights.
BETWEEN 1960 and 1966, Nigeria operated the regional arrangement. However, between 1967 and 1996, the country had to be split into thirty-six States. The first state creation exercise was undertaken by the regime of Yakubu Gowon, a general, in 1967. Prior to his ascension to power, Aguiyi Ironsi, a general, was Nigeria’s first military Head of State.
He dissolved the four regions in the country and subsequently created twelve States on May 5, 1967. Six States were carved out from the former northern region. These were: the North-Western State, the North-Eastern State, Kano State, North Central State, Benue-Plateau State and Kwara State.
The former Western Region was split into two States: Western State and Lagos State. The former Mid-Western Region became the Mid-Western State, while the former Eastern region had three new States carved out: East Central State, Rivers State and the South-Eastern State.
Another state creation exercise took place in 1976 following the ouster of Gowon in a military coup led by Murtala Mohammed, a general.
On assumption of office, Mohammed created the following States: Anambra, Bauchi, Benue, Imo, Niger, Ogun and Ondo, bringing the total number to nineteen from the original twelve States created by Gowon. It took another eleven years (1987) for State creation exercise to be undertaken in the country. That was under the regime of Ibrahim Babangida, a general (1985 – 1993).
In 1987, Babangida created two States, Akwa Ibom and Katsina. He also created nine additional States in 1991. These were: Abia, Enugu, Delta, Jigawa, Kebbi, Osun, Kogi, Taraba and Yobe. Akwa Ibom was carved out from Cross River State, while Katsina State was created from Kaduna State. Similarly, Adamawa and Taraba States were carved out from the former Gongola State, and Enugu State out of Anambra State, while Edo and Delta States replaced the old Bendel State.
Also, Yobe State was created from Borno State, and Jigawa out of Kano State, while Kebbi and Osun States were carved out from Sokoto and Oyo States respectively. Kogi State came from Kwara and Benue States.
Altogether, there were thirty (30) States by 1991. Sani Abacha, a general, became Nigeria’s next military Head of State in 1993 after ousting the Chief Ernest Shonekan-led Interim National Government (ING). Due to stringent agitations for more States, Abacha set up the National Constitutional Conference (NCC) which recommended, among other things, the creation of new States. On October 1, 1996, he created six additional States namely, Ebonyi (from Abia and Enugu States), Bayelsa (from Rivers State), Nasarawa (from Plateau State), Gombe (from Bauchi), and Ekiti (from Ondo).
The movements for the creation of states in Nigeria can be traced back to 1937 when Nnamdi Azikiwe advocated in his book THE POLITICAL BLUEPRINT OF NIGERIA, a federal form government for the country and the division of the country into eight constituent units based on geographical configuration.
Azikiwe was later joined by Chief Obafemi Awolowo who, in a book, PATH TO NIGERIA FREEDOM published in 1947, proposed a re-division of Nigeria into fen federating units with ethnic, linguistic and cultural affinity as the basis. However, Awolowo writing in 1966 seemed to have modified his stand when he shifted ground and advocated a division of the country into eighteen states—nine in the North and nine in the South based on linguistic and cultural affinity as well as economic viability of states in the federation.
Awolowo’s submission at that time was that the COR state with the population of 717,000 Ibibio; 435,000 Annang; 428,000 Ibo; 251,000 Ijaw; Ogoni 156,000 and Efik 75,000. He alerted that the genuine cause of the minorities in the then Eastern Region should be created.
Chief Awolowo re-echoed this demand on May 1, 1967 in Ibadan at a meeting of Western Region Leaders of Thought on the need for the creation of more states especially COR state meaning Calabar, Ogoja and Rivers states. He told the meeting on that day, “We have been told that an act of secession on the part of the East would be a signal in the first instance for the creation of the COR state by decree which would be backed, if need be, by use of force”.
In 1963 as a result of the 1962 Western Region Crisis the pressure for the state creation which resulted in subsequent declaration of a state of emergency in the former Western Region, the Mid-West Region (now Edo and Delta states), was created out of the then Western Region. The creation of the new Region tended to have intensified and encouraged the demands for the creation of more states in other parts of the country as we have witnessed over the years.
In his May 27, 1967 broadcast, Gowon declared, “This is why the first item in the political and administrative programme adopted by the Supreme Military Council last month is the creation of states for stability. This must be done first so as to remove the fear of domination. Representatives drawn from the new states will be more able to work out the future constitution for this country which can contain provisions to protect power of the states to the fullest extent desired by the Nigerian people.”
Although there is no magic formula for determining the optimum number of states in any federation, certain specific criteria must be spelt out if the entire exercise of State-Creation is to be conducted in a rationale and fair manner.
Any meaningful exercise in State-creation has to be guided by specific and well-defined political consideration. First, there is the need to maintain and strengthen our federal system of government which must continuously reduce suppression and discord in every new step taken. In our earnest attempt to redraw the political map of Nigeria and satisfy the legitimate yearnings and aspirations of the generality of our people, we must guard against the proliferation of States which will not only reduce states to glorified local governments, but more importantly enable the federal government to become stronger, through which process the country may inadvertently revert to a unitary system of government.
Although the creation of new states would bring states government closer to the people thereby making government particularly at the state level, more accountable and more efficient each new state must be in a position to function effectively in a federal structure where the constituent units are usually coordinated and mutually independent.
In applying this political consideration to the present exercise in states creation however, we must remember that the United States of America with fifty States and Switzerland with twenty-five cantons have adhered strictly to the principles of federalism. What is more, both the Constitution and revenue allocation systems have clearly defined the structural, functional and relationships between the various levels of government in Nigeria.
Secondly, there is the need to promote peace and political stability in the country. Today, the issue of State creation is so crucial and fundamental that peace and stability cannot be guaranteed without some action taken about it. Apart from the ever-increasing desire to attract more revenue, political and other appointments and patronage from the federal establishments, the state creation promoters are vigorously envisaging the successful emergence of a political structure that shall perpetually disallow any ethnic group to hold a position which can enable it to dominate all the others put together.
State creation exercise must be sufficiently related to the needs and aspirations of the various groupings in Nigeria. The continued agitations for creation of more states is a direct result from bad government—leadership and discriminatory policies of the various state governments.
Indeed, even if the National Assembly was to make every hamlet in this country a state, there would continue to be demands for more so long as there is a corrupt, autocratic and purposeless government or government or governments particularly at the state level.
The basic motivation in the demands for states creation is the promotion of accelerated and balanced economic development. States creation, it is often argued, makes for the greatest possible diffusion of economic power which in itself guarantees even development. It is also often asserted that some demands are masterminded by few selfish individuals with the hope of becoming big fish in small waters if and when the new state is created.
Be that as it may, certain specific dimensions of economic viability constitute relevant considerations in any sensible exercise in state-creation.
The proliferation of states, for instance, may lead to high administrative cost and acute shortage of high and middle level manpower particularly in the less developed areas of the country.
The present economic trend in the country, the low revenue generating capabilities of the existing states and their heavy dependence on statutory grants from the federal government call for caution and calm assessment of Nigeria’s, economic and political potentialities in the area under consideration.
There are some areas that should have become states by now judging by their past history. I have in mind Ijebu, Ogoja, Anioma, Ghari, Tiga, Okura, Lautai, Ngaba, Katagum and several areas. Tiga state should have composed of Bebeji, Gwarzo, Rano, Tudun-Wada and Rogo, all in Kano state, while Ghari state should have composed of Kazaure, Bichi and Dambatta also in Kano state.
Okura state should have composed of Ankpa, Bassa, Dekina, Idah, Ofu and Omalla while Katagum state should have composed of Shira, Gamawa, Misau, Katagum and Jama’re. Njaba state should have been created from Imo state. Lautai state should have composed of Ringim, Kaugama, Garki, Gumel, Maitagari, Hadeija Keffin-Hausa and Birniwa.
Ibadan state should comprise of the present eleven local government areas. Ibadan is the largest metropolitan area in Nigeria after Lagos and Kano. The city has 11 LGAs. Egbeda, Ibadan North, Akinyele, Ibadan Northeast, Ibadan Northwest, Ibadan Southeast Ibadan Southwest, Ido, Lagelu, Oluyole and Ona-Ara.
With a population of 3.1million and a land area of 3,850 square kilometres (2013), Ibadan city is the largest metropolitan geographical area in West Africa, housing almost half of Oyo State’s population (45 percent). From around 60,000 in the early 1800s Ibadan population grew to 200,000 in 1890, and to a million by 1930, the population is projected to reach 5.6 million people by 2033.
Anioma state was advocated many years ago. I remember in 1979, Senator Nosike Ikpo along with Chief Martin Nwoseh, Chief Michael Agbamuche, A. N. Iduwe and G.N. Nwechue, submitted a strong worded memorandum to the National Assembly. Senator Ikpo was a friend and lobbied his colleagues then for the creation of Anioma state. At that time, Anioma comprised of four local governments areas—Ndokwa, Ika, Aniocha and Oshimili. His argument was that the creation of Anioma state would enhance the participation of the Igbos in a more united Nigeria.
As of today, most of the provinces created by the British have become autonomous states except Ogoja and Ijebu. Remo was of course grouped under Ijebu Province while Abeokuta has since become a state capital. Some of these old Provinces have been split into states. Take for example Ondo Province had four divisions namely Ekiti, Okitipupa, Ondo and Owo. Now the old province has been split into two states, Ekiti and Ondo.
The old Calabar Province consisted of Ikot Ekpenne, Uyo, Eket. Now province had become two states—Cross Rivers and Akwa Ibom. Even the old Benue Province comprised of Lafia, Nasarawa, Wukari now has two states—Benue and Nasarawa states.
The only exception in the old Western Region, is Ijebu Province—that has not been granted an autonomous state. So, the demand for Ijebu state is needful. If other Provinces can become autonomous states, why not Ijebu?
Before he died, the Awujale of Ijebuland, Ọba Sikiru Kayọde Adetọna , Ogbagba II, not only canvassed for unity among the Ijebu and Remo people, but he also canvassed for the creation of Ijebu state. It is now left for the leaders of Ijebu and Remo to press on for the legitimate demand of Ijebu state.
The demand for states creation and restructuring should be part of the agenda of the next President of Nigeria. The first task will be to amend the Constitution, so that these issues will be better handled than the tight grip in the 1979 and 1999 Constitutions introduced by the military.
The 1979 Constitution made adequate provision for steps to be taken before states could be created. They are contained in Section 274 of the suspended Constitution.
The same provisions are contained in Section 8 of the 1999 Constitution. Let’s face it, these provisions are insurmountable hurdles and they have been exploited since 1999, by the political class, especially by those who have occupied the positions of Deputy Senate President and deputy Speaker of the house of Representatives for financial gains.
All that should be done by the next elected President is to amend the Constitution so as to lower these hurdles that have made it impossible for states to be created and restructuring equally impossible and other issues. That should be the task of the next President of Nigeria.
Teniola, a former director at the Presidency wrote from Lagos.
UNITED States President Donald Trump has paused attacks on Iran indefinitely, noting that he would continue the US Navy’s blockade of Iran’s trade by sea.
Trump in a statement posted on social media, revealed that the US decision followed a request by Pakistani mediators until the time their leaders and representatives can come up with a unified proposal and discussions are concluded.
However, even as Trump announced what appeared to be a unilateral ceasefire extension, Reuters reported that the Strait of Hormuz remained blocked on Wednesday with three ships reportedly hit by gunfire.
Just hours before Trump called off attacks, he had again threatened to resume military action, saying US forces were “raring to go” before ultimately stepping back from immediate strikes.
Tehran has rejected the move, viewing the blockade as an act of war and insisting it will not reopen the Strait of Hormuz under current conditions.
The waterway, a critical global energy corridor through which roughly 20 percent of the world’s oil and gas supplies pass, remains disrupted, intensifying pressure on global markets.
Pakistan’s last-ditch push to salvage the truce saw officials prepare for talks in Islamabad on Tuesday, hoping to secure a breakthrough before the two-week ceasefire lapsed.
Those efforts unraveled when Iran failed to confirm its participation, while a US delegation led by Vice President JD Vance never left Washington, deepening the deadlock in a conflict now nearing two months and leaving no pathway to reopen the Strait of Hormuz.
By early Wednesday, there was still no formal reaction from senior Iranian officials to the ceasefire announcement by Donald Trump, though early signals from Tehran indicated a cautious, and largely skeptical, reception.
Tasnim News Agency, which is affiliated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, said Tehran never requested an extension of the ceasefire and reiterated warnings that it could use force to break the US naval blockade.
An aide to Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, a key figure in Iran’s negotiating team, suggested that the announcement by Donald Trump could be a strategic ploy rather than a genuine shift toward de-escalation.
The war, launched on February 28 by the United States and Israel, rapidly expanded beyond its initial frontlines, pulling in Gulf states that host American military bases and spilling into Lebanon after the Iran-backed group Hezbollah entered the conflict.
The death toll risen to more than 5,000 civilians reported killed across the region. According to Lebanese state media, in the latest drone strike attributed to Israel killed one person and injured two others in the western Bekaa Valley, although the Israeli military said it had no information on the incident.
Despite a ceasefire agreement announced last week between Israel and Lebanon, Tehran maintains that a sustained halt to hostilities remains a key condition for any broader negotiations with the United States.
A wave of displacement driven by persistent insecurity has forced some residents in Benue State to take refuge in schools. This story examines their living conditions and how the conversion of schools into IDP camps has led to overcrowding and disrupted education.
Sukpu Tony now sleeps in a classroom at the RCM Primary School in Agagbe, Benue State. It is one of many buildings across the state where spaces meant for learning have been turned into shelters for victims displaced by violence. At night, his family spreads out on the bare floor inside the classroom. By day, the same school premises are expected to serve as a place of learning.
The 40-year-old farmer ended up in school turned IDP camp after surviving a brutal attack on his village, Mbapupuu, in Gwer West Local Government Area. Gunmen, suspected to be armed herders, raided the community, killing several residents, including members of his family, and leaving him with a life-altering injury after his leg was cut. Believing he was dead, the attackers abandoned him.
He lay there until a passerby found him, still alive. The stranger carried him to safety, and he was later taken to Makurdi for treatment. By the time he recovered, the life he once knew had already slipped away.
Today, he lives with his family at the primary school in Agagbe. The buildings are in poor condition, with damaged roofs, no windows, and families sleeping on bare floors without bedding.
Sukpu Tony
For years, Benue has been one of the epicentres of brutal violence in north-central Nigeria, marked by systematic killings, mass displacement, and the destruction of entire communities.
The victims are largely agrarian communities, whose livelihoods have been shattered by incessant attacks primarily from armed herders.
What began as resource-based disputes over land and water access has transformed into large-scale criminal violence, underpinned by climate pressures, rapid population growth, ethnic-religious tensions, and, more importantly, state failure.
According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), 219,477 individuals from 59,268 households had been displaced in Benue as of February 2026. Of these, 44 per cent are male and 56 per cent female. The actual figure may be higher, as not all displaced persons are registered.
In Agagbe alone, about 2,652 individuals across 682 households are living at RCM Primary School, where Tony lives. The camp is one of several makeshift shelters across the state.
Between classroom and IDP camp
There are several sites housing internally displaced persons in Agagbe. Two of them are schools, namely RCM Primary School and St. Francis Xavier Secondary School, while the others include the Holy Rosary Camp, an abandoned police station, among others.
When this reporter visited the camp in March, the schools were on holiday, making it difficult to observe how learning takes place alongside displacement. However, a source familiar with daily operations at the camp described how the system operates when the students are in school.
Crowded RCM Primary School
At the RCM Primary School, which serves as the central camp hub, classrooms have been divided between pupils and displaced families. Some rooms are allocated to IDPs, while others are squeezed to accommodate students. Even at that, the available space is not enough.
According to him, the school originally had about eight classrooms in use, but the number is now inadequate for the growing population. Some pupils are forced to stay outside during lessons, while others cannot attend school at all because there is no space to accommodate them.
Across other locations like St. Francis Xavier Secondary School, the situation is similar, with buildings filled beyond capacity. The Rosary’s camp and the abandoned police station also house displaced families, all relying on the same limited infrastructure.
Sanitation facilities are scarce. While Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) constructed toilets at the RCM Primary School and St. Francis, some sites have none, forcing residents to resort to open defecation.
Water remains a major challenge. The entire community depends on a nearby stream, which is also used by cattle.
“You can even smell the cattle urine in the water,” he said, describing how humans and livestock rely on the same source.
Despite these conditions, there is no alternative supply. During dry periods, the stream reduces significantly, making access even more difficult. Some residents also fear going to fetch water due to the presence of armed men spotted around the area.
The overlap between living spaces and learning environments continues to create tension. School activities are frequently disrupted, especially when visitors arrive at the camp.
“Anytime visitors come, everything becomes disorganised. Sometimes they even close the school for that day,” he said.
Squashed inside classrooms
For Tony and many others, survival is now a daily struggle.
Putting food on the table for his family and meeting other basic needs has become an everyday struggle for him. Survival in the camp depends largely on chance and the occasional help from outsiders, which rarely comes.
The structure, originally meant for learning, offers little protection. Its roof is partly broken, the windows are missing, and the floor is bare—conditions that have left his children constantly ill.
Water is fetched from a nearby stream that is also used by herders and their livestock. With no alternative source, residents drink from the same contaminated water, exposing themselves to disease.
“We use the same stream with cows. They drink and defecate there, but we have no other option,” he said.
Cooking is equally difficult. With little access to firewood and no proper utensils, preparing meals has become an irregular activity for many families in the camp.
For Tony, displacement is not new. He was first forced out of his home in 2001 and returned in 2002. But the latest wave of violence has made any return impossible. Without relatives in safer areas or the means to rebuild, he remains stuck in the camp with his family.
His wife’s condition further complicates his situation. She has been blind for nearly three years, with no access to medical care or support.
“My wife is blind. There is nowhere to take her for treatment, and nobody is helping us,” he said.
Beyond survival, the disruption to education weighs heavily on families. The same classrooms used as shelters double as learning spaces. Whenever visitors arrive at the camp, lessons are suspended, leaving children without consistent schooling.
“When people come to visit, the children go outside to see what is happening, and teaching stops,” he explained.
With no hospital, limited food, unsafe water, and inadequate shelter, daily life in the camp is marked by hardship. For Tony and many others, the need for help is urgent.
“We are suffering. There is no food, no hospital, nothing,” he said. “They should come and help us because we are living in very bad conditions.”
Gyegu Helen, a mother of five who also lives at the camp, was displaced from Tse Adekule in Gwer West after a violent attack that claimed the lives of her husband and several relatives. She was inside one of the classrooms she now shares with her children when this reporter visited the camp.
Life in the camp, she said, is a daily struggle.
“This is how we are living here. The place is too congested, and our children are always falling sick,” she said, pointing at the crowded classroom where families sleep side by side on the bare floor.
Gyegu Helen
Though she has spent years moving in and out of displacement, Helen says this phase has been the most difficult. She was first displaced in 2009 and later returned home, hoping to rebuild. But when attacks intensified in 2021, she was forced to flee once more—this time with little hope of going back.
On the day of the attack, she had been sitting in her compound when panic broke out. “People started running, and I followed them. The Fulani herdsmen were killing,” she recalled.
By the time the violence subsided, her husband and several relatives had been killed, leaving her to care for their children alone.
Breeding space for infectious diseases
The classroom Helen occupies doubles as a shelter for multiple families, leaving little space for comfort or privacy. The congestion, she said, has contributed to the spread of diseases among children, including a measles outbreak recorded at some point.
Her children are also among those trying to continue their education under difficult conditions. The same classroom serves as both home and school, making learning inconsistent.
“When there is noise or any activity in the camp, the children cannot concentrate. Sometimes, when visitors come, they leave their classes to go and watch what is happening,” she said.
Access to clean water is another pressing concern. Like others in the camp, Helen depends on a nearby stream that is visibly contaminated.
“People defecate in the water, and cattle also drink from it. It is not meant for human beings, but we have no choice,” she said.
The impact is evident in the frequent cases of typhoid and other waterborne diseases affecting families in the camp.
Nyibiam Veronica, 50, a mother of eight from Tse Adekulevillage in Gwer West, lives in a single classroom shared with about 50 people. She said the overcrowded conditions have made the spread of diseases almost inevitable.
In August 2023, the camp recorded a measles outbreak that spread rapidly among children. Other illnesses such as chickenpox, meningitis, and cholera have also been reported.
Nyibiam Veronica
Veronica said she has repeatedly battled typhoid due to poor water and sanitation conditions. “We treat it, and it comes back again,” she said.
Although she acknowledged that the government occasionally provides food, she noted that the supplies are often insufficient. “It is not enough. It would be better if we could return to our farms and provide for ourselves,” she added.
Recounting her displacement, Veronica said the first attack on her community occurred in 2018.
“We were in our compound when the Fulani herdsmen came, shooting sporadically and stealing properties. We were lucky to survive. By the next morning, we decided to leave,” she said. “We want to go back to our communities because that is the best solution. But if the government cannot make that happen now, they should at least make life easier for us here. We will be happy.”
Dim future for children
Across the camp, the line between shelter and school has blurred, with classrooms now doubling as homes for displaced families, undermining education for children who are meant to learn there.
Lessons are frequently interrupted by noise from within the camp. On days when visitors or aid workers arrive, many children abandon classes to watch unfolding activities, leaving teachers unable to maintain order or continuity.
Even more troubling is the number of school-age children within the camp who are not enrolled at all, despite living inside a school environment.
For many families, basic survival takes priority over education. Some parents say they cannot afford uniforms, books, or other materials required for their children to attend classes. One of the displaced persons, Iveren, said her children have been out of school since they arrived at the camp. “I have not been able to buy uniforms for them,” she said, explaining that feeding the family comes first.
Speaking with The ICIR, an Education Advocate, Ibrahim Abdullahi explained that turning classrooms into IDP shelters has immediate and long-term consequences for education in a country like Nigeria, where over 20 million children are out of school.
“Once a classroom becomes a living space, it loses the structure and environment needed for learning,” he said, adding that, “Overcrowding, noise, and constant movement make it difficult for teachers to teach and for pupils to concentrate. Even where lessons continue, the quality is significantly reduced, and schooling becomes irregular and ineffective.”
According to him, some children are pushed out because there is no space, while others drop out because their families cannot afford basic requirements or because learning conditions are too poor.
“Over time, this creates a generation of children who are physically close to schools but are not meaningfully learning. If this continues, it will widen educational inequality and leave lasting effects on the children’s future.
State Government reacts
The Information Officer of the Benue State Emergency Management Agency (SEMA), Terma Ager, said the government is taking steps to separate displaced persons from formal school activities in Agagbe.
Ager confirmed that parts of the school, including some teachers’ quarters, are occupied by IDPs, but explained that with the support of camp officials, efforts are being made to ensure learning is not disrupted.
“Like in the morning, most of the IDPs go out to town to seek financial support, some go out for jobs, and others go to the farm. But if you visit during the day, there are still some of them in the camp. Some of their children also attend the school, so there is no disturbance,” he said.
On concerns about disruptions during aid distribution or official visits, Ager said structures have been put in place to manage such situations, including the involvement of camp officials and community leaders.
“Students are expected to remain in class during school hours, while parents and camp leaders handle distributions,” he added.
Ager maintained that the situation is improving, noting that some displaced persons have begun returning to their communities due to improved security.
“The governor is implementing durable solutions. Many IDPs are gradually returning to their villages, especially during the farming season,” he said, adding that large crowds are mostly seen during food distribution exercises.
This reporting was completed with the support of the Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development (CJID)
PRESIDENT Bola Tinubu on Tuesday sacked the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun.
Edun was sacked alongside the Minister of Housing and Urban Development, Umar Dangiwa.
Sources said the finance minister’s sack was not unconnected with his deteriorating health.
An informed source who pleaded anonymity told The ICIR that “Edun was released to go and attend to his deteriorating health condition. He wanted to go since late last year but was asked to stay on for the president to get a replacement.”
Edun, who just returned from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) Spring meeting in Washington, DC, has been directed to hand over to the Minister of State, Taiwo Oyedele, who is now to take over as Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy.
“This is long overdue; the finance sector was a monumental mess and failure, and appalling to the embarrassment of Mr President,” a public affairs analyst, Kunle Olubiyo, said in reaction to the sack.
Evaluation of Edun’s role as Finance Minister
Edun’s tenure was characterised by poor budget implementation and spearheading hardcore reforms of the Tinubu administration.
Under his watch, fiscal discipline was broken, and Nigeria saw three cycles of budget implementation against the provisions of the Fiscal Responsibility Act.
His tenure oversaw the ignoble and unprecedentedly concurrent implementation of the 2023 budget, 2023 supplementary budget, 2024 budget and the 2025 budget.
His tenure was also characterised by poor releases of the capital component of the budget. For instance, in the 2025 budget, the health ministry got an appropriation of N218 billion, with the release of only N36 million. This poor release in the health sector affected the immunisation of many Nigerian children and related programmes because of poor payment of the counterpart funding from the government.
Since 2023, despite a significant increase in the government’s revenue base through tax reforms, the removal of subsidies, and the floating of the naira, Nigerians have yet to feel the impact of the government’s safety nets, despite claims of conditional transfer releases to about eight million Nigerians, running into billions of naira.
Despite his downside, Edun, widely known as Tinubu’s close ally, oversaw reforms that helped stabilise the naira, build reserves, deliver a trade surplus, and raise gross domestic product (GDP) growth.
The reforms also pushed reserves above $40 billion, and advanced major tax reforms.
Critics point to high inflation under his tenure. Power outages worsened under his watch, as he sat at the Board of Nigeria Bulk Electricity Trading company (NBET) which de-risks power sector investment.
Poor power supply has continued to affect households and the cost of doing business, with fuel prices rising by 65 per cent despite Dangote Refinery operations in the country.
Housing Ministry gets minister designate
Also, Muttaqha Rabe Darma has been named as the ministerial nominee for the Housing and Urban Development Ministry.
The memo also directed Dangiwa to hand over to the Minister of State in the ministry.
The memo stated that “all handing over and taking over processes should be completed on or before the close of business on Thursday, 23rd April, 2026.”
Dangiwa and the failure to close housing deficits
The former minister had noted that the sector needed 55,000 units of housing annually for 10 years, which would take N5.5 trillion to accomplish.
He noted that the government budgeted far less when the sector needed a minimum of N500 billion annually to achieve the renewed housing cities target.
He also struggled with the perennial problem of land administration and the titling crisis, as most land remained unregistered for credits and mortgages.
Most Nigerians struggled to access mortgages with rising interest rates and weak income levels to fund current housing costs.
THE Cross River State Government has confirmed a new case of COVID-19 in the state, marking the first reported infection since 2022.
At a press briefing on Tuesday, the State Commissioner for Health, Henry Ayuk, disclosed that the first reported case of the outbreak involved a 53-year-old Chinese national who worked with Lafarge and flew into the country on March 17 before falling ill.
“The protocols have been followed and confirmed that a 53-year-old Chinese who works in Akamkpa Local Government Area of the state has COVID-19. When this case was reported about three or four days ago, we decided to be careful to confirm and ensure that the processes involved in identifying and confirming every case of COVID-19 are duly followed,” he said.
Ayuk explained that the Chinese’s condition became worse at the medical facility in his office and had to be taken to the University of Calabar Teaching Hospital. He noted that at the UCTH, samples were taken and all protocols followed; it was subsequently confirmed that he had symptoms of COVID-19.
“We are, however, happy to report that he is doing well,” the commissioner said.
Assuring residents that the state’s health system had been strengthened to effectively manage infectious disease outbreaks, the commissioner urged the public not to panic.
“But we are determined that for every ailment, every disease or outbreak, if it is identified here in the state, there should be no alarm. The state will do well in terms of surveillance or containment of an outbreak. Whatever it is, we will do our best to contain it. So, there is no alarm.
Also speaking, the State Epidemiologist, Inyang Ekpenyong, said the emergency response unit hds been activated, with contact tracing already underway to identify and monitor individuals who might have been exposed.
“The incubation period for this virus is usually between two and 14 days, but the Chinese flew into Nigeria from China on March 17 and started developing symptoms on April 10.
“This is well beyond the 14-day incubation period. Like I said, we are doing the line listing of those he may have come in contact with, as part of our containment efforts. We have also activated the emergency response centre and deployed rapid response teams to Akamkpa, where the victim works,” Ekpenyong added.
